framed the Constitution in 1787, under the at all, was unnecessary. The Constitupresidency of the immortal Washington, tion was not intended for a people that had was neither infidel nor atheistical in its no religion, or that needed any legislation character. All the leading men in it were on the subject from the proposed General believers in Christianity, and Washington, or National Government; it was to be for as all the world knows, was a Christian. a people already Christian, and whose exSeveral of the more prominent members isting laws, emanating from the most apwere well known to be members of church-propriate, or, to say the least, the most es, and to live consistently with their profession. Even Franklin, who never avowed his religious sentiments, and cannot be said with certainty to have been an infidel, proposed, at a time of great difficulty in the course of their proceedings, that a minister of the Gospel should be invited to open their proceedings with prayer. Many members of the Convention had been members also of the Continental Con-edged as to need no specification in an ingress, which carried on the national government from the commencement of the Revolution until the Constitution went into effect. Now the religious views of that Congress we shall presently see from their acts.

convenient sources, gave ample evidence of their being favourable to religion. Their doing nothing positive on the subject seems, accordingly, to speak more loudly than if they had expressed themselves in the most solemn formulas on the existence of the Deity and the truth of Christianity. These were clearly assumed, being, as it were, so well known and fully acknowl

strument of a general nature, and designed for general objects. The Bible does not begin with an argument to prove the existence of God, but assumes the fact, as one the truth of which it needs no attempt to establish.

The framers of that Constitution seem, This view is confirmed by what is to be in fact, to have felt the necessity of leav- found in the Constitution itself. From the ing the subject of religion, as they left reference to the Sabbath, in article I., secmany things besides, to the governments tion vii., it is manifest that the framers of of the several states composing the Union. it believed that they were drawing up a It was a subject on which these states had Constitution for a Christian people: a peolegislated from the very first. In many of ple who valued and cherished a day assothem the Christian religion had been, and ciated, if I may so speak, with so large a in some it still continued to be, supported portion of Christianity. Regarding the subby law; in all, it had been the acknowl-ject in connexion with the circumstances edged basis of their liberty and well-being, that belong to it, I do not think that the and its institutions had been protected by government of the United States can justlegal enactments. Nothing, accordingly, ly be called either infidel or atheistical, on could be more natural in the Convention account of its Federal Constitution. The than to deem the introduction of the sub- authors of that Constitution never dreamject unnecessary. There is yet another ed that they were to be regarded as treatview of the subject. ing Christianity with contempt, because they did not formally mention it as the law of the land, which it was already, much less that it should be excluded from the government. If the latter was intended, we shall presently see that their acts, from the very organization of the government, belied any such intention.

66

"On this head," says an able writer, as on others, the Federal Constitution was a compromise. Religion could not well be introduced into it for any purpose of positive regulation. There was no -choice but to tolerate all Christian denominations, and to forbear entering into the particular views of any. Religion was likely to fare best in this way. Men who loved it better than we do nowadays, felt bound in prudence to leave it at once unaided and unencumbered by constitutional provisions, save one or two of a negative character. And they acted thus, not that it might be trodden under foot, the pearl among swine, but to the very end of its greater ultimate prevalence, its more lasting sway among the people."*

There is truth, unquestionably, in these remarks; still I am of opinion that the Convention, while sensible that it was unwise to make religion a subject of legislation for the General Government, thought that this, or even any mention of the thing * "An Inquiry into the Moral and Religious Character of the American Government," p. 72.

Should any one, after all, regret that the Constitution does not contain something more explicit on the subject, I cannot but say that I participate in that regret. Sure I am that, had the excellent men who framed the Constitution foreseen the inferences that have been drawn from the omission, they would have recognised, in a proper formula, the existence of God, and the truth and the importance of the Christian religion.

I conclude this chapter in the language of one who has ably treated this question. "Consistent with themselves, the people of 1787 meant by the federal arrangement nothing but a new and larger organization of government on principles already familiar to the country. The state governments were not broad enough for national

purposes, and the old Confederation was | year passed during the war of the Revoludeficient in central power. It was only tion without the observance of such days. to remedy these two defects, not of prin- At the commencement of that war, the ciple, but of distributive adjustment, that Congress, in one of these proclamations, the public mind addressed itself: innova- expressed its desire "to have the people tion, to any other end, was never thought of all ranks and degrees duly impressed of; least of all in reference to religion, a with a solemn sense of God's superintendthing utterly apart from the whole de- ing providence, and of their duty to rely in sign. So that, admitting that the Consti- all their lawful enterprises on his aid and tution framed on that occasion does not in direction." The objects of a general fast terms proclaim itself a Christian document, are set forth: "that they may with united what then? Does it proclaim itself un- hearts confess and bewail their manifold christian? For if it is merely silent in the sins and transgressions, and by a sincere matter, law and reason both tell us that its repentance and amendment of life appease religious character is to be looked for by his righteous displeasure, and through the interpretation among the people that fash-merits and mediation of Jesus Christ obioned it; a people, Christian by profession and by genealogy; what is more, by deeds of fundamental legislation that cannot deceive."*

CHAPTER VII.

tain his pardon and forgiveness." A few months later we find the following language: "The Congress do also, in the most earnest manner, recommend to all the members of the United States, and particularly the officers, civil and military, under them, the exercise of repentance and reformation; and farther require of

THE GOVERNMENT OF THE UNITED STATES them the strict observance of the articles

SHOWN TO BE CHRISTIAN BY ITS ACTS.
ANY doubts that the Constitution of the

United States may suggest as to the Chris-
tiant character of the National Govern-
ment will be dissipated by a statement of

facts.

In the first place, in transacting the affairs of the government, the Sabbath is recognised, and respect for it enjoined; not only so, but it is observed to a degree rarely witnessed in other countries. All public business is suspended, unless in cases of extreme necessity. Congress adjourns over the Sabbath; the courts do not sit; the custom-houses, and all other public offices, are shut, not only for a few hours, or a part of it, but during the whole day.

In the second place, the Christian character of the government is seen in the proclamations that have been made from time to time, calling on the people to observe days of fasting and prayer in times of national distress, and of thanksgiving for national or general mercies. Not a * "An Inquiry into the Moral and Religious Character of the American Government," p. 84, 85.

which forbid profane swearing and all immoralities." And in 1777, Congress called upon the nation "that with one heart and voice the good people may express the grateful feelings of their hearts, and consecrate themselves to the service of their their sincere acknowledgments and offerdivine Benefactor; and that, together with ings, they may join the penitent confession of their manifold sins, whereby they have forfeited every favour, and their earnest supplication that it may please God, through the merits of Jesus Christ, mercifully to forgive and blot them out of remembrance; that it may please him graciously to afford. his blessing on the governments of these council of the whole; to inspire our comStates respectively, and prosper the public under them, with that wisdom and fortimanders both by land and by sea, and all tude which may render them fit instruGod, to secure to these United States the ments, under the government of Almighty greatest of all blessings-independence and peace; that it may please Him to prosper the trade and manufactures of the people, and the labour of the husbandman, that our

land

may yield its increase; to take schools When I speak of the Christian character of the and seminaries of education, so necessary government of the United States, I mean that it is for cultivating the principles of true liberso far regulated by the Christian religion as to party, virtue, and piety, under His nurturing take of its spirit, and that is not infidel or opposed to Christianity-Christian as those of England and other parts of Christendom are Christian-not that every act of the government is truly conformable to the requirements of Christianity. Alas! where shall we find a government whose acts are fully conform

ed to these?

When the day for the adjournment of Congress falls on Saturday, it sometimes happens that, on account of the accumulation of business, the session is protracted through the night into the early morning of the Sabbath; for doing which they fail not to be severely censured, as they deserve, by the religious, and even by some of the secular journals.

hand; and to prosper the means of religion for the promotion and enlargement of that kingdom which consisteth in righteousness, peace, and joy in the Holy Ghost." In 1779, among other objects for which they call on the people to pray, we find the following: "That God would grant to his Church the plentiful effusions of divine grace, and pour out his Holy Spirit on all ministers of the Gospel; that he would bless and prosper the means of education,

and spread the light of Christian knowl-ernment military school at West Point, for edge through the remotest corners of the the training of young officers. Moreover, earth." the Congress testifies to its interest in the Christian religion, and to its sense of its importance, by employing two chaplains, one for the Senate and the other for the House of Representatives, to open the sittings of these bodies every day with prayer, and who alternately preach every Sabbath to the two houses, convened in the Hall of the Representatives, at twelve o'clock.

Similar language is found in the proclamations of 1780, 1781, and 1782. Such was the spirit which actuated the councils of the nation in the Revolution. And after the Constitution had gone into effect, we find, in the earlier period of its reign, that days of fasting and prayer for similar blessings were observed upon the invitation of Congress. In 1812, when the last war In the fourth place, the policy of the with England broke out, we find Congress General Government may be considered as using the following language: "It being Christian, inasmuch as it is directed, in a a duty peculiarly incumbent in a time of large measure, by a Christian spirit. As public calamity and war, humbly and de- a people, we have preferred peace to war; voutly to acknowledge our dependance on we have endeavoured to act with simple Almighty God, and to implore his aid and integrity and good faith to foreign nations. protection, therefore resolved, that a joint With few exceptions, the General Governcommittee of both houses wait on the ment has acted fairly to the Indians on our President, and request him to recommend borders; and in the instances in which it a day of public humiliation and prayer, to has been blamed, it is not easy to see how be observed by the people of the United it could have acted otherwise. To avoid a States with religious solemnity, and the of- civil war, it has once or twice, perhaps, fering of fervent supplications to Almighty | failed to act with sufficient promptitude in God for the safety of these States, and protecting them from their ruthless white the speedy restoration of peace." And invaders. But, generally speaking, its conwhen the peace arrived, the same branch duct towards the Indians has been mild and of the government called, in like manner, for a day of thanksgiving, which President Madison did not hesitate to recommend. And though President Jackson, I regret to say, had, as Mr. Jefferson had, scruples as to how far he was empowered by the Constitution to appoint, or, rather, to recommend such days of fasting and prayer, and refused, accordingly, to do so at a time when it was loudly called for by the circumstances of the nation, the present president, Mr. Tyler, hesitated not for a moment to call of the chaplains in the United States navy, with the upon the people to observe such a day upon exception of a few comparatively recent appointthe death of the lamented President Harri- ments, have been little qualified for labouring for the son. And seldom has such a day been so re-salvation of from 400 to 1200 men on board a ship of markably observed in any country, the people flocking to their respective churches, and listening with profound attention to discourses suited to the affecting occasion. It was marked, in short, with the solemnity of a Sabbath. The nation felt that God, who had stricken down the man whom they had elevated so lately, and with such enthusiasm, to the presidency, was loudly calling upon them not to trust in "man, whose breath is in his nostrils." The appointment of that fast was manifestly acceptable to the nation at large.

In the third place, the General Government has at various times authorized the employment of chaplains in the army and navy, and at this moment there are such in all larger vessels of war, and at twenty of the chief fortresses and military stations. There is also a chaplain at the gov

*

I cannot avoid remarking, however, that the appointment of some twenty-five chaplains in the navy very strikingly illustrates the incompetency of the civil power to manage spiritual matters. Most

benevolent. From the times of Washington it has ever willingly lent its aid in promoting the introduction among them of the arts of civilized life; it has expended much money in doing so; and at this moment it is co-operating with our missionary societies, by giving them indirect but effectual aid in that quarter. But I shall have occasion to speak elsewhere of the conduct of the General Government with respect to this subject.

war.

make the best selection for such a post. It would be A secretary of the navy is seldom fitted to better done if committed to some of the missionary societies, or to them in conjunction with the secretary. For more than twenty years after the last war but within four or five years the government, at the with England we had no chaplains in our little army, instance of many of the officers, has appointed twenty chaplains for as many of the chief posts. The chaplains are chosen by the senior officers of each post as good an arrangement, probably, as could be devised. When there were no chaplains employed by the government, the ministers in the vicinity of our forts and garrisons, and the missionary societies, attended to the spiritual interests of the officers and men. The officers and men of a regiment, in some cases, raised a sufficient sum among themselves for or the whole of his time, to preach the Gospel to the employment of a missionary, for the greater part, them. Almost all our forts and garrisons are often visited by ministers who volunteer to preach at cerThus is the Word of Life made known to men who tain stated times to the military stationed in them. have devoted themselves to their country's service. It must be borne in mind that the national army, in times of peace, has seldom numbered more than 6000 or 8000 men. It is an interesting fact, that a very considerable proportion of the officers are pious men, and do much good by holding religious meet-ings in their respective regiments and companies.

In the fifth place, the same spirit appears | Virginia, he could not obliterate all traces in what takes place in judicial affairs. As, of it from her laws. first, the rejection of the oath of an atheist ; second, the requiring of a belief in a future state of rewards and punishments, in order to the validity of a man's testimony; and, lastly, the administering of oaths on the Bible.

Connecticut and Rhode Island had adopted no constitutions of their own when that of the United States was framed. The latter of these two states has been governed almost to this day by the charter granted by Charles II. Both states were of Puritan origin, and the charters of both were based on Christian principles.

The first Constitution of New-York dates from 1777. It strongly guarded the rights of conscience and religious worship. It excluded the clergy from public offices of

In the sixth place, this appears from the readiness shown by Congress in making large grants of valuable public lands for the support of seminaries of learning, asylums for the deaf and dumb, and for hospitals, although aware that the institutions thus endowed were under the direction of de-a secular nature, on the express ground cided Christians, who would give a prominent place in them to their religious views. This I could show by many facts, were it necessary.

that "by their profession they were dedica[ted to the service of God and to the cure of souls," and "ought not to be diverted from the great duties of their functions."

The Constitution of New-Jersey, as originally framed in 1776, besides guarantying to every one the "inestimable privilege of worshipping Almighty God in a manner agreeable to the dictates of his own conscience," declared that "all persons professing a belief in the faith of any Protestant sect, and who should demean them

But I have said enough, I trust, to prove that though the promotion of religion does not directly belong to the General Government, but to the States, the former is neither hostile nor indifferent to the religious interests of the country. This, indeed, is not likely to be the case, so long, at least, as a large proportion of our public men entertain the respect they now show for re-selves peaceably under the government, ligion. Such respect is the more interesting, as it can only flow from the spontaneous feelings of the heart. They are not tempted by any religious establishment to become the partisans of religion. Religion stands on its own basis, and seeks, not ineffectually, to win the respect and affections of all men by its own simple merits. Many of the national legislators are either members of the churches, or their warm supporters; while few among them are not believers in Christianity, or do not attend some sanctuary of the Most High on the Sabbath.

CHAPTER VIII.

should be capable of being members of either branch of the Legislature, and should fully and freely enjoy every privilege and immunity enjoyed by others, their fellowcitizens." Whatever may be thought of the style of this instrument, it cannot be denied that it favoured the professors of Protestant Christianity.

The Constitution of New-Hampshire, after laying it down that " every individual has a natural and inalienable right to worship God according to the dictates of his conscience and his reason," says, "that morality and piety, rightly grounded on evangelical principles, would give the best and greatest security to government, and would lay in the hearts of men the strongest obligations to due subjection;" and again, "that the knowledge of these was

THE GOVERNMENTS OF THE INDIVIDUAL STATES most likely to be propagated by the insti

ORGANIZED ON THE BASIS OF CHRISTIANITY.

AFTER Considering the claims of the General Government to be regarded as Christian in character, let us inquire how far the individual States, and particularly the original Thirteen, are entitled to the same distinction, confining ourselves in this chapter to the evidence supplied by their earliest constitutions or fundamental laws, which were mostly made during, or shortly after, the Revolution.

tution of the public worship of the Deity, and public instruction in morality and religion;" therefore, to promote these important purposes," the towns" are empowered to adopt measures for the support and maintenance of "public Protestant teachers of piety, religion, and morality." Although the towns are still authorized to take measures for the support of public worship, that is no longer accomplished by a general assessment.

Virginia was unquestionably a Christian The first Constitution of Massachusetts state, but her Constitution is silent on the was framed in 1780. In it we find the subject. It was drawn up under the eye of following language : "That as the hapone of the greatest enemies that Christian-piness of a people, and the good order and ity has ever had to contend with in Amer-preservation of civil government, essenica; but although he had influence enough tially depend upon piety, religion, and to prevent the religion which he hated from morality; and as these cannot be generbeing mentioned in the Constitution of ally diffused through a community but by