94 IDEA OF INDEPENDENCE IS LESS UNPOPULAR. firmly that the breach was made, and our independence declared, long before we received the least encouragement from France; and he defied the world to give the smallest proof of the contrary. "There sits," said he, "Mr. Franklin, who knows the fact, and can contradict me if I do not speak the truth."'* The fact which M. de Vergennes suppressed was that, on June 10, 1776, three weeks before the declaration of independence, he had remitted a million of francs to Beaumarchais, to purchase supplies for the Americans through the commercial house of Rodrigue, Hortalez, and Co. On that very day the opportuneness of proclaiming the emancipation of the colonies was hotly contested in congress. The progress of opinion had, however, been much quickened since the great triumph of John Adams in the month of April. Independence no longer appeared so frightful a spectre. The provincial congress of North Carolina had authorized its delegates to the continental congress to vote for separation. The chief justice of South Carolina had declared, in his charge to the grand jury, that the people were absolved from their allegiance to George III.§ The same thing had been done by the assembly of Rhode Island. The convention of Virginia had formally directed its representative at Philadelphia to propose an act of emancipation.¶ Pennsylvania itself, superseding its previous instructions to its delegates on November 19, 1775, had since authorized them to vote for a confederation and to make treaties with foreign powers, leaving the decision on all other points to Franklin's Works, vol. ix. p. 274. † Beaumarchais et son temps, par M. de Loménie, vol. ii. p. 111. April 12, 1776. § April 23, 1776. ¶ May 15, 1776. May 4, 1776. CONGRESS DELIBERATES ON THE QUESTION. 95 their ability, prudence, and integrity. The continental congress had recommended all the colonies which had not yet organised a government, to frame for themselves a constitution; + and Dickenson himself had patiently listened to R. H. Lee, when, in the name of Virginia, he proposed the resolution that these united colonies are, and have a right to be, free and independent States.' For two days the question was warmly debated. § The persevering champion of prudence attacked not the motion itself, but its unseasonableness. He acknowledged that a reconciliation with Great Britain had become impossible, and that the people were beginning to be sensible of it even in the middle provinces; but this feeling, he added, must yet be left to ripen. Neither New York, nor New Jersey, nor Delaware had as yet assented to the propriety of a separation. Was it desired to compel their delegates to quit congress? Was it desired to run the risk of seeing these colonies separate themselves from the union? Why not wait? In a few months the intentions of France and Spain would be more accurately known, and there would meanwhile be time to lay the groundwork of a confederation. The creation of a new state should precede the proclamation of its existence. Congress might lose everything, and could gain nothing, by a precipitate course. Wilson, Robert R. Livingston, E. Rutledge supported Dickenson. J. Adams, R. H. Lee, and Wythe, defended the motion like men who felt themselves masters of the position; and the majority of congress went with them. Out of consideration for the scruples of the * June 8, 1776. † May 10, 1776. June 7, 1776. § Jefferson's Works, vol. i. pp. 12-18; Autobiography, 8th and 16th of June, 1776. 96 THE HOUR OF INDEPENDENCE AT HAND. middle provinces, it was resolved not to take the definitive vote until the first of July; but in order to shorten as much as possible the delay caused by this adjournment, a committee, composed of T. Jefferson, John Adams, Dr. Franklin, Roger Sherman, and Robert R. Livingston, was appointed, with instructions immediately to frame a declaration of independence; other committees were also chosen to propose a plan of confederation between the colonies, and ascertain the basis on which the new Union could treat with foreign powers. The joy of John Adams burst out with that mixture of the burlesque and the profound which is peculiar to men of his race: 'Be silent,' he wrote to Francis Dana, in order to make him understand what it was that moved him without violating the rules of congress, ' and patient, and time will bring forth, after the usual groans, throes, and pains upon such occasions, a fine child- a fine vigorous, healthy boy, I presume; bless him, and make him a great, wise, virtuous, pious, rich, and powerful man!'* God * Adams's Works, vol. ix. p. 210; Letter to Francis Dana, June 12, 1776. CHAPTER IV. 1776. WHY JEFFERSON WAS COMMISSIONED ΤΟ DRAW DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE, AND HOW HIS UP THE PERFORM ANCE WAS RECEIVED BY CONGRESS - JOHN ADAMS'S JOHN THOMPSON, THE HATTER, AND HIS NEW SIGN SIGNING OF THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. EFFERSON was thirty-three years of age when he JEFF! was commissioned to draw up the declaration of independence. John Adams had reached eighty-six," when he was explaining, not without some peevishness, how so young a man could have been entrusted with such a task: 'Cushing, Samuel Adams, Paine, and myself, all destitute of fortune-four poor pilgrims proceeded in one coach, and were escorted through Massachusetts, Connecticut, New York, and New Jersey, into Pennsylvania. We were met at Frankfort by Dr. Rush, Mr. Mifflin, Mr. Bayard, and several other of the most active sons of liberty in Philadelphia, who desired a conference with us. We invited them to take tea with us in a private apartment. They asked leave to give us some information and advice, which we thankfully granted. They represented to us that the friends of government in Boston and in the Eastern States, in their correspondence with their friends in Pennsylvania and all the Southern States, had represented us as four desperate adventurers. . . . We were all suspected of having independence in view. "Now," said they, "you must not utter the word independence, nor give the least hint or insinuation of the idea, H 98 ADAMS'S ACCOUNT OF THE DRAWING UP either in congress or any private conversation. If you do, you are undone; for the idea of independence is as unpopular in Pennsylvania, and in all the Middle and Southern States, as the Stamp Act. No man dares to speak of it. Moreover, you are the representatives of the suffering state. Boston and Massachusetts are under a rod of iron. . . . Your feelings have been hurt, your passions excited; you are thought to be too warm, too zealous, too sanguine. You must be, therefore, very cautious. You must not come forward with any bold measures; you must not pretend to take the lead. You know Virginia is the most populous state in the Union. They are very proud of their ancient dominion, as they call it. They think they have a right to take the lead; and the Southern States, and Middle States, too, are too much disposed to yield it to them." . . . This conversation, and the principles, facts, and motives suggested in it, have given a colour, complexion, and character to the whole policy of the United States from that day to this. Without it, Mr. Washington would never have commanded our armies, nor Mr. Jefferson have been the author of the Declaration of Independence.' 'Mr. Jefferson came into congress in June 1775, and brought with him a reputation for literature, science, and a happy talent of composition. Writings of his were handed about, remarkable for the peculiar felicity of expression. Though a silent member in congress, he was so prompt, frank, explicit, and decisive upon committees and in conversation (not even Samuel Adams was more so), that he soon seized upon my heart; and upon this occasion I gave him my vote, and did all in my power to procure the votes of others. I think he had one more vote than any other, and that placed him at the head of the committee. I had the next highest number, and that placed me the second. The committee met, discussed the subject, and then appointed Mr. Jefferson and me to make the draft; I suppose because we were the two first on the list. "The sub-committee met. Jefferson proposed to me to make the draft. I said, "I will not." "You should do it." "Oh! no." "Why will you not? You ought to do it." "I |