the Minifters and Cabinet of this country, of the interference ought to fuperfede all it had only precluded the controul of confiderations of this nature. He conthe Legiflature. After taking a view of cluded by moving, "That an humble the political history of Ireland, and uf- Addrefs be prefented to his Majefty, ing fimilar arguments to thofe brought praying that he would be gracioufly forward by Lord Moira in the Houfe of pleafed to take into his royal confideraLords, (p. 278.) Mr Fox obferved, if Mi- tion the disturbed state of Ireland, and nifters were at a lofe what line of con- to adopt fuch lenient meafures as may duct they ought to purfue, he would re- tend to restore tranquillity, and concifer them to the celebrated fpeech of liate the affections of his Irish fubjects." that eloquent author, Mr Burke, on the Sir F. Burdette feconded the motion. means of concilitating America, and his The Chancellor of the Exchequer said, letter to the electors of Bristol.-Thefe that, however general the terms of the productions contained information well motion were, it was impoffible to separworth their confideration, and would be ate them from the topics or the fpeech the beft illuftration of his argument, to by which they were introduced; it was fhew that the prefent difcontents were impoffible not to connect it with the not like the struggles for the elevation of tenor of the opinions difclofed by the a Stuart or a Brunfwick, where both Right Hon. Gentleman, in his review of could not be fuccessful. The prefent the whole character and proceedings of difcontents were all capable of compro- the Irish Legislature. He had begun by mife and temperament, without trench- reminding the Houfe, that he had acing on the privileges, or abridging the knowledged it neceffary to recognize comforts of any clafs of men. It might the independence of Ireland, and of its be afferted, that, "give the Catholics feparate Legislature. None had, indeed, religious emancipation, and they will praised that recognition more than the next require political conceffions:" Hon. Gentleman. Was that Parliament, granted. It was reafonable and fit; which he then flated as the fource of but admitting that it was not fo, bleffings to the country, better adapted ftill he fhould think it was better to to the fenfe of the Diffenters in the treat than to fuffer them to fight for it. north, or the Catholics in the fouth, It might be faid, "Amelioration won't than the prefent, which he treated as do;" you can then, he faid have the mere delufion of a Representative recourfe to arms, but the fatal confe- Government? On the contrary, the Caquences of engaging at the end of one tholics had then no vote for reprefentawar in another ought moft ftudiously to tives. On what ground, after this warm be avoided. He knew of no meafure for approbation, could he declare a neceflity governing mankind fo effectual as the for altering the whole frame of that gratification of their wishes, and he con- Legiflature, and violating that indepenceived the best practical leffon on the dence? Could the Irish Parliament fail fubject was to let Ireland be governed to be jealous of fuch an interference and in her own way." To let Ireland be controul from a body having no jurifdicgoverned by Irish prejudices, Irish coun- tion over them? The question for the cils, and Irishmen, and these conceffions House to confider was, does the care of would infure to this country their frien- Ireland belong to the Executive Governship and esteem. If a rebellion unfor- ment, or to the Legiflature? and, if to tunately broke out in Ireland, it must be the Legiflature, was it not to the Parquelled by English refources, for it was liament of Ireland? This was the whole well known that many men of property of the question; and there was a variety in Ireland could bring more members of prudential realons which prevented into the reprefentation, than they could him from difcuffing the other paticulars raife foldiers on their estates for their of the Hon. Gentleman's fpeech, the protection! Though he poffeffed no confideration of which might add much property in Ireland, yet he shuddered at to our prefent evils, and could not, by the idea of feeing fome refpectable any poffibility, produce advantage. He friends of his in that country expofed to would therefore refrain from following public horrors, aggravated by private the Hon. Gentleman, and only defire diftrefs. He hoped, that on fo urgent the Houfe to confider, whether any of an occafion, no objections would be the grievances flated by him could be taken in point of form. The neceffity remedied otherwife than through the

Mr Fox replied. He thought the motion fo far from mifchievous, that it would even be of fome ufe, if it should be rejected. If Ireland were really in a tate of profperity, and contented with the government, he did not mean with the perfon of Lord Camden, he should not have made the motion; but if the whole northern diftri&t were declared out of the protection of the law, and 50,cco men were fuppofed ready for arms, it was then a proper time for interference. The Houfe then divided, For the Motion, Against it, Majority,

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Irish Legislature, or could be attempted made for government, (a cry of Hear! to be otherwife remedied, without an Hear!) but government was made for endeavour to make force domineer over property. aw. He would, however, trouble the loufe with a few obfervations on two oints, viz. the claim of the Catholics to & in Parliament, and the propriety of mplying with the wishes of the Difcaters. With respect to the firft, could afe be faid to be without liberty who ad every privilege enjoyed by their low-fubjects, except that of being themselves eligible as reprefentatives? this privilege was in the view of the Hon. Gentleman, why was it not exfed in his Motion? why was not Government made acquainted with his na demands? As to the other fubject, ich was more obfcurely and indefi'y hinted at by the Hon. Gentleman, Diffenters, it was for the Houfe to hder whether they were produced 7 principles truly English, as he had 44, or by thofe which were most unfit. encouragement, and the adoption of hich would be a most ungenerous preedent from Parliament, the doctrines of French liberty, inftead of the ancient Lurdy freedom of England. The fpeech of the Hon. Gentleman had hinted much, out told nothing plainly, and he thought i: fufficient to urge thefe practical obtions to the Motion, without going into the detail of the obfervations thrown out in defence of it.

Lord Wycombe thought the fituation of teland alarming, and that no remedy was to be expected from the Irish Legiflature. He approved the caufe of Catholic emancipation, and thought the interefts of the few fhould not be facrifced to those of the many. When the fate of the Irish Legiftature was confi¿tred, he could think of it only as a kind of fiction of our government; and while we obeyed the forms of that legislature, we were facrificing the real interefts of the country.

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HOUSE OF LORDS.

INVASION OF IRELAND. March 16. Lord Albemarle opened the debate, by going into a general detail of the attempt made by the French on the coaft of Ireland, of the fituation of the fleets of Admirals Lord Bridport, Colpoys, and Elphinstone; and, confidering the French getting safe back into their ports, while we have fuch a fuperior navy, as an infult upon the country, and the papers laid on the table as far from exculpatory, there being blame fomewhere, moved "That a committee be appointed to examine. into the naval measures taken for the defence of Ireland, on the recent attempt of the French."

Lord Spencer replied at confiderable length, and entered into all the particular circumftances, both as to the return of Admiral Colpoys, and the failing of Lord Bridport. The firft, he admitted, was out longer than could have been withed, but denied' that his fquadron was neceffitated to return for want of provifions; and the latter, he infifted, Lord Hawkefoury could hope no good failed with all poffible expedition. He from the motion, and dreaded much confidered that, under all the circumcalamity. We had acknowledged the ftances of the times, the beft poffible independence of the Irish Legislature, fteps were taken; fo much fo, that even and were now alked to take out of their now, with the fame information as he bands the task of regulating the country, had then, he should be for acting the though we had neither the local know- very fame; the whole, in his ́mind, was ledge nor interefts which might make to be attributed to the flormy weather; our interference ufeful. The govern- but as the change of men was now intiment of Ireland was, he hoped, what mated as the only means to fave the every government should be, a govern- country from the misfortunes attending zent of property. Property was not our disappointment, he fhould have no Q.4

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-15 ADDRESS ON THE STATE OF IRELAND.

21. Lord Moira profeffed that nothing but a full conviction of the neceffity for fore immediate steps to be taken to reconcile the difcontents now exifting in Ireland could have induced him to bring forward the motion which he was about to make. From what had fallen on his giving notice of his intention, he had turned his mind to fee upon what grounds

it was likely to be oppofed, and it appeared to him the oppofition must either be, that it would be an improper interference; that it was unneceffary; or that it would be at this time inexpedient. To the first of these objections he fhould reply, that although the legislatures of the two kingdoms were feparate and dislin, yet, as we were under one common fovereign, there mufl remain an undoubted right in either to addrefs that fovereign upon any fubject which involved the interefts of both. As to the necelity, the prefent fituation of that kingdom was too notorious for him to detain the Houfe by entering into particular details, which, besides, he thought it would be both delicate and prudent to avoid. Taking it, therefore, for granted, that unhappy and serious discontents ed exift, it surely must be the wish of ry man who heard him (for it was de to fuppofe that what diftreffed one Engdom would not injure the other), that fome efficient remedy should inftantly be applied to ftop the growing evil; and where could that remedy be fo well fought for as in the humane breaft of our benign Sovereign? To that beneficence it was his wish to apply; and therefore he hoped that their Lord fhips would agree with him to refolve"That an humble addrefs be prefented to his Majefty, praying him to interfere with his paternal and beneficent care, to heal the difcontents which now exift in Ireland, and which may otherwife prove of the greatest injury to his fubjects in both kingdoms."

Lord Grenville was forry the Noble Lord could not be prevailed upon to poftpone the motion for the space of two or three days, when it was probable his noble and learned friend, who fo ably prefided in that Houfe, would have been enabled to attend, and from whofe wisdom, judgment, and experience, their Lordships might have received fo much information on the fubject. As to himself, it appeared to be one of the most objectionable motions he ever heard made, fince it went, in fact, to break a folemn compact entered into between this country and Ireland, and might, on that account, lead not only to jealoufy, but the moft alarming mifchief; for all interference in their legislative concerns had been folemnly renounced by us by act of parliament; and yet this (and he defied any Lord to understand the mo

tion otherwife) went to that very interference; if it d4 not mean that, why then it meant nothing; for fimply to apply to his Majefty, to exercife his paternal care for the benefit of his fubjects, was only to afk him to do that which was his conftant practice; and with respect to Ireland, during his Majelty's whole reign of fix and thirty years, not' one year had he permitted to paf without beftowing on them fome effential benefit. His Lordihip then entered into a detailed ftate of the kingdom at the period his Majelly came to the Crown, which was a ftate of barbarifa compared with his contraft of the prefent time. Every advantage had regularly been granted them year after year, until about fourteen year since, when they complained of this country maintaining the right of interfering in the laws and legislation, and even that was given up, by the repeal of the statute of the 6th of George the Firft; and now, by way of appeafing a supposed disconten, the Houfe was called upon to adopt a measure that muft naturally excite the jealoufy it was pretended it would allay. That there was not fome difcontented perfons in Ireland he would not say ; but as a proof that these discontents were much exaggerated, and that they approved of the prefent government, he need only adduce the inftances of loyalty and unanimity manifefted by them when the French had the temerity to appear on their coaft, fuppofing (no doubt, in a great meafure, from the exaggerated reports they had heard) that the people of Ireland were ready to join thein. The Catholic paftors, on this occafion, had act.ed with a zeal that fhewed they were fenfible of the mildne fs and tenderness of the fovereign under whom they lived. Some of their exhortations were fo ftriking, that he could not refrain from reading a few extracts to the House, in which they cautioned their followers against liftening to the infidious promises of the French, who meant only to fraternize with them for their own advantage. Taking the motion in every point of view, it appeared to him highly objec tionable, and in rone more fo than in that of its tending to interfere with their legiflature, and break the folemn compact between the two kingdoms; and, of course, he should give it his moft decided negative.

Lord Fitzwilliam highly approved of
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MONTHLY REGISTER.