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Richmond is celebrated for its hospitality, but of this I had no opportunity to judge; I saw very little of it-indeed, I should give it quite a contrary character; nor did I find it so refined as it is represented. It would be unfair, however, for me to say any thing positively on this head, as the few days I tarried there were principally spent in my room. I saw but one of the nabobs, Dr. T. He was a man of vulgar manners, with his "yes mawin," and "no mawm." If this be a specimen of the refinement of Richmond, they have great room to improve. A servant (I mean a genteel one) in the western states, would have spoken with more propriety. Here too you have the


paw and maw," (pa and ma,) and "tote," with a long train of their kindred. I happened to see a turn-out of the volunteer companies of Richmond, while there. They were much better looking men than those of Alexandria; they were stout, and had a martial appearance. Their music was exquisite, and their uniform gay and splendid. But even these lack a great deal, in point of size and manly appearance, compared to our heroes of the west. The men of Richmond are very much burnt with the sun, though the ladies are fair, have beautiful features, fine figures, and much vivacity of countenance. The men have more expression than those more northerly.

History. The land where Richmond now stands was originally owned by a man whose name was Sherror. His grand-daughter, Mrs. Doctor Dow, is now living in Richmond; she states that he was a German by birth. No vessel of any size can come to Richmond; the large vessels stop at City Point, about twenty miles below the city. Richmond is an incorporated town.

Much interest is excited in this place, as well as all others where I have been since I crossed the Bluc Ridge, respecting the approaching election of President. It is amusing enough to observe the straits into which each party is driven. It is impossible to learn the truth, either from the parties or the papers. It must be a matter of serious grief to all lovers of their country, to witness the low means by which electioneering is conduct


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ed, particularly in this country, where the lower order of the people are so grossly ignorant that they are inca pable of judging for themselves. They are mere tools in the hands of designing sycophants, who practice on their credulity in the most shameful and barefaced manner. The following anecdotes may give an idea of that duplicity resorted to in this part of the Union. On my way to the east, between Winchester and Alexandria, for the sake of amusement, (no other person being in the stage,) I entered into conversation with the dri "and who do the people speak of for President in this part of the country?" said I;" why Crawford, to be sure," said the man, "he is sure to be our next Presi dent;""are there no other candidates?" "why yes, he believed there was, but he could not think of their names;" "have you never heard of Adams, Jackson, Calhoun, &c.; have they no supporters in this country;" "no, d--n such men as Adams and Jackson, any man that would vote for them ought to be hung; do you think we would vote for a murderer ?" "and which of those men is the murderer, my friend? I never heard of it be fore;""why Jackson;" "and where did he commit the murder? and whom did he kill?" "he did 'nt know who he did kill, or where it was done, but he was tried for his life at Washington city!" "ah!" said I, in affec ted astonishment, "and was he acquitted?" "yes, I suppose he was acquitted then;"" and what then, is he to have another trial;" "he could not tell how they managed it," "can you not tell where he killed the man?" "the man," said the driver "he killed three or four men out somewhere where he lives, and he was brought here for trial;" "must be some mistake in this friend; ifhe committed the murder in that part of the country at all, he could not by our laws be brought here for trial, every state claims the right secured to them by the Constitution, of exercising exclusive privileges in disposing of their citizens. For instance, if you were to kill a man in this state, you could not by our laws, be tried for it in another; so from this view of the matter there must be some mistake;""no mistake at all;" he did not know where the murder was committed, but this muchhe was

certain, Jackson took his trial in Washington, and was
within a hair's breadth of being hung; "you must be for
Jackson," said he, " but before he should be President
I'd kill him, if there was no other man in the world; no
no, we want no murderer for our President;" "you ap-
pear to be a man of courage," said I," by your manner
of speaking; where were you when the British captured
Washington, and Alexandria ?" This seemed to check
his mettle; he was at a loss what to answer; in short,
it cost me a long argument and much address to con-
vince this poor ignorant man how much he had been im-
posed on. In doing this, however, in the first place, I
had to demonstrate what was true, that I was no ways
interested in the election. He had been made to be-
lieve that Adams was the same that passed the alien.
and sedition law; and that Clay was a gambler. After
an absence of some years from my old neighborhood in
West Virginia, upon my return, I inquired of an old
friend of the Jeffersonian class, how politics stood in
that country; "you must by this time have your eye on
some one for the Presidency;" this was in 1822. He
replied "that Crawford was the favorite candidate of
Virginia ;"" and who opposes him," I said; he seemed
astonished at the question, as it implied a total indiffer-
ence on that subject, which grows more warm as you ap-
proach more near the seat of government; and but for
want of courage, would bring the parties by the ears. I
informed him of the truth, that nothing had been expres-
sed on the subject in the country from whence I came,
that the people there never meddled with politics, being
all of one mind, and were wholly engrossed by other
objects. He seemed thunderstruck at the news, and
asked whom I preferred; I told him I did not know who
were the candidates, and that I was perfectly unit-
terested since parties were done away. That I had
heard John Q. Adams spoken of as a very proper per-
son to succeed Monroe ; "oh we will not have him,"
said my friend, "we are doing every thing in our power
for Crawford; he mentioned Calhoun and Clay, and ob-
served that some spoke of Gen. Jackson, but he thought
the old fellow was over fond of fighting. I replied (with-


out ever having heard the General mentioned as a can,
didate,) that "I thought he was the very man, and that
had he been President the last war the British would not
have captured the seat of government; are all these
firm republicans," I asked, "that you have mentioned ;"
"yes," he answered; "and what difference does it make
which of them is President, provided their abilities and
virtues are equal;""ah," but said he, "don't you
know Crawford is a Virginian, although he lives in
Georgia ;""well, what of that, you have furnished
Presidents long enough ;"" softly my dear friend, don't
you know that the President has many lucrative offices
at his disposal; don't you know that he has all the ap-
pointments, officers of the navy, army, &c. in his
gift." It may be casily imagined how much I was hurt at
this declaration of my friend. It showed his principles
in the clearest light. In other respects he was a cor-
rect upright man; had been a member of Con-
gress, and was esteemed for his republican principles.

was much shocked at this palpable want of probity and patriotism, which went far enough to show that no matter what party rules, or what the form of government, corruption, that noxious weed, will spring up in all civil compacts. This misfortune may be deplored, but no provision can secure us from the evil, whilst the fabric of government is composed of frail man; he cannot resist the temptation to enrich himself, though at the expense of patriotism and moral obligation. This is the rock upon which the ark of American liberty is to be wrecked some day; so be it: what is to be, will be. When men of the first talents and information, as we find many of these party leaders, descend so low, so far beneath the character of gentlemen, as to aid in blinding and misleading the honest and unsuspecting yeoman of his country, by fashioning him into a tool to vote as they please, to help a set of needy unprincipled men into office, it is time for the people to think for themselves-no matter what party rules, office seems to be the watchword of the old states. As I have once ob served, it is ludicrous enough to see the difficulties into which the parties are plunged, particularly when it hag

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pens, as it sometimes does, that some veteran chief shatters their flimsy webs to pieces at a blow. Like a hive of bees that have been despoiled of their year's labor, they set to work again with redoubled industry. From the great deal that is said of Crawford, I should suspect that all was not right, but for na other reason. He may be worthy of the trust, but if he really be so, why make such a din about him; let his character speak for itself, when any thing is praised over much, it creates suspi



This part of Virginia, I mean all that lies on this side the Blue Ridge, presents another feature in that State, which it obtains to its eastern limits: it is distinguished from all that part west by the number of negroes and mulattoes, by the gross ignorance of the lower class of its citizens, by the sprightliness both of men and women; and above all, by the beautiful form of the latThe females greatly exceed the West Virginia ladies in well turned persons and features, though they must yield to those in complexion. From the Blue Ridge to the Alleghany mountain, a distinct country obtains, differing morally and physically from the former. Next comes my Grayson republic, already described; to the left of it, in the same parallel, lies the great wealthy counties, of Montgomery, Wythe, Washington, &c. &c.: to the right, lies Pendleton, Harrison, Bath, &c. &c.; and beyond all, to the west, lie the counties bordering on the Ohio. All these divisions of Virginia differ more widely than so many States.

Virginia begins to awake from her lethargy, in respect to roads and canals. I saw a report from Isaac Briggs, Esq. of Maryland, directed to the Virginia Assembly. The report embraces a survey of the Potomac river from Cumberland to tide water. This survey was made at the united instance of Virginia and Maryland, with a view to ascertain the expense of an independent canal along the Potomac valley. Mr. B. makes the distance 182 miles, and estimates the cost at $8,544 average rate per mile, total $1575,074. I was not able to get a view of the sentiments of the Legislature on the report, or the opinion of the Board of public

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