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and the refiftance of her bows increafing in the direction of the keel more than the effort of the fails in the direction of the course, the rapidity decreases in fo much as the water acts more powerfully than the fail does. Befides all this, thofe forward and lateral inclinations of the flip, produced by the effort of the new-added fail, which have caufed the center of effort of the fails to afcend, and the point-velique to defcend (if the new-added fail has been fet above it), caufe also the ship not to rise from the water parallel to herself; the raises her ftern and plunges her head; whence it refults that fhe gripes from two causes: first, because, as her stern lies lefs in the water, the rudder is of courfe exposed to a lefs fhock; and the ftern, which always acts as a fail, is more eafily mastered by the wind which strikes it then on the beam with a great deal more efficacy than it does her head; on the other hand, as the resistance of the water on the lee bow has increased by the inclining of the head, plunging thereby that part of the fhip which is the moft full in its shape, and increasing also the surface on which the water acts, which has both diminished the head-way and increased at the fame time the lateral impulfe on the fide of the bow; fo that lateral impulfion forces the ship to windward more at the head, than fhe is impelled to fall off by the lateral part of the effort of the new-added fail. Whence it follows that the fhip becomes still more griping, which is an additional cause of the decrease of her head-way; because, the helm being more a-weather, in order to hold the hip better to her course, more of the rudder itself is prefented to the run of the water; and by the great furface it offers more directly to its fhock, and retards the velocity of the fhip. Whence we are to conclude that as foon as any more fails are added to a ship which carries already a fufficient quantity of them, the will lofe her qualities of fteering well and making good head-way, whether thofe additional fails are fet forward or a-ftern.' Vol. ii. P. 280.

We recommend this publication to all captains of mercantile veffels, and to every man in the navy who wishes to have a true idea of his profeffion.



Hints towards an improved Syftem of Taxation, extending to all Perfans in exact Proportion to their Property, and without any Kind of Investigation or Disclosure of their Circumftances. With an Appendix, recommending a Plan, arifing from this Syftem, for the InAitution of a National Bank. 8vo. 15. Murray and Highley, 1798.

THESE Hints were fent to Mr. Pitt in a letter, of which he took no notice. There is no novelty to recommend them. We are

overwhelmed with hints towards the increafe of taxation; and perhaps our caftle-building gentlemen would employ themfelves better in fuggefting fome hints for a correction of the improper expenditure of the money which is raifed. Mr. Pitt, however, ought to have acknowledged the favour of a well-meaning correfpondent, as much greater men than that minifter have condefcended to answer every letter fent to them. One of thefe men was the great king of Pruffia.

An Addrefs to the Proprietors of the Bank of England. By A. Allardyce, Efq. M. P. one of the Proprietors of the Bank of England. 8vo. s. Richardfon. 1797.

The author, as a proprietor of the bank, conceives, that he has a right to know what the profits are, and what the dividend ought to be. According to common sense, there cannot be a propofition better founded; but what have criticism and common fenfe to do with a banking company, which iffues paper, promifing to pay to the bearer the fum fpecified on it, and, instead of paying that fum, gives one or more pieces of paper, with an equally infignificant promife? As we do not conceive the nation to be fo much interested in the state of the bank, as many people are accustomed to imagine, we fhall leave the investigation of it to our author and his proprietary brethren.


An interefting and impartial View of the practical Benefits and Advantages of the Laws and Conflitution of England. By P. B. Crofs, Efq. of the honourable Society of Lincoln's-Inn. Svo. 45. Boards. Brooke. 1797

In the Preface to this publication, we are informed that

The author of the following effay having been for a confiderable time past profeffionally engaged in an elaborate examination of the fundamental principles and progreffive eftablishments of the 'Laws and Conftitution of England,' which he proposes at fome future period to fubmit to the profeffion, and public at large, in the form and plan of 'An History,' has neceffarily had occafion to contemplate this profound and interefting fubject in a most extenfive and comprehenfive manner. These contemplations have fuggefted the prefent design of compreffing a portion of the refult of the more general import of his inveftigations into a narrow compass, which, under an abstracted modification, he conceives may be, with fome utility, tendered to public reception in the following arrangement.' P. iii.

The manner in which Mr. Cross communicates his design to the reader did not imprefs us with a favourable opinion of his talents for the investigation of his fubject: and in perufing the work we did not find that we had augured falfely; for, amidst great labour of argument and parade of reference, we have fcarcely difcerned any elucidation of the spirit of the British conftitution. Though the author affects enthusiasm on such a subject, he is in

fact only animated when abufing the French in quaint and vutgar language. The following paffage near the conclufion will show how admirably Mr. Crofs is qualified to explain the structure and advantages of our conftitution to even the moft illiterate of the people!

I trust that, on the whole, I have now exhibited such a striking picture of the admirable principles of English jurifprudence, as must have engaged the predilection and reverence of all my readers; and that those who, from their fituations in life may have (and many fuch there must be) enjoyed but an imperfect knowledge of what are the "practical principles of the laws” of their country, adapted to every purpofe of focial felicity and private welfare, will receive fome fatisfactory information, which may ferve to difperfe the mifts of ignorance, and to diffipate the errors of prejudice. Indeed, the adminiftrative fyftem of jurifprudence in this country is fo extenfive and diffufive in its conftant operation, and the avenues to justice fo broad and visible, that it would almost be a folecifm in reafon to impute any great degree of fup.pofed ignorance thereof to even the moft illiterate of the people; but fome there are, to whom thefe partial communications of the fubjects here expounded, both in theory and practice, and in a line and view of practical demonftration, may be effentially ufeful and inftructive, and thus anfwer the ends here defigned, viz. to imprefs upon their minds this great and important “fact (i. e.) that England enjoys (incomparably) the beft fyftem of laws calculated for all the useful and wifeft purposes of human life, of any country upon earth;" and a "conftitution" fo replete with bleffings and profperity to a free nation ought to be the conftant object of the "people's" care and confervation, the best means to affure which, is by rigidly abftaining from all corruption of public principles, which may taint their minds with prejudice, and teach them (by nature too flexible to the allurements of innovation) to fee the failings (if any there are) in the "laws and government" of the country, in the line of incurvation, or in fhort of inconfiderable deviations from the ftrict path chalked out by the theoretical principles of the "conftitution." P. 234.

National Danger, and the Means of Safety. By the Editor of the Annals of Agriculture. 8vo. 15. 6d. Richardfon. 1797. Although we have occafionally taken the liberty of differing from the author of this pamphlet on certain topics connected with the present war, we are difpofed to allow that the plan which he propofed of an armed yeomanry upon an enlarged fcale, is highly proper at all times, and particularly urgent at the prefent crifis. The following are the outlines of the fcheme now brought forward for extending the benefits of an armed yeomanry, by arming men of property of other defcriptions.

1. Every man, poffeffing

a year income, and of the age of from 16 to 56, to enrol in a volunteer-corps.

2. Perfons, poffeffing larger incomes, to provide one man of property as a fubftitute for every

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a year, and to arm them.

3. No bounty to be given to fubftitutes.

4. Every man, who does not fhew fatisfactorily that he is not

worth property to the amount of

, to enrol himself; and, if

fuch property does not clafs him in No. 1, to be armed by those who demand him as a substitute.

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5. If not wanted as a fubftitute, ftill to continue enrolled, and liable to be called out.

6. Not to go more than

miles from the place of rendezvous, unless in cafe of actual invasion or infurrection. 7. In cafe of being called out, all perfons claffed for a property not amounting to to receive the fame pay as the army. 8. No exceptions whatever of any fort of income, except perfonally for men already ferving in other corps.

9. All to ferve in the cavalry, both felf and fubftitutes, to the number of horses they poffefs, proper for fervice.


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10. Fowling-pieces, a bayonet added, to be confidered as

11. The officers to receive commiffions from the king.

12. No power of withdrawing.

13. Exceptions: the judges, and the clergy having rectories or vicarages, and doing regular duty.

14. To be exercifed one hour every Sunday morning, in troops or companies, and two hours a month in regiments.

6 15. The rendezvous and place of exercife to be in the centre of the district which furnishes the men.

16. Abfentees, unless prevented by certified illness, to forfeit a time, doubling for every additional abfence: if pronounced contumacy, to be tried by a court-martial.

17. The forfeits of officers to be in proportion to their rank. 18. A uniform to be chofen by every corps; and perfons registered for an income of to provide it within one month. Others to appear in their common dress; but, after the establishment takes place, fuch not to make any but regimental clothes.

6 19. Offences to be tried by a court-martial, and punished by fine or imprisonment.' P. 55.

Mr. Young, in a preceding paffage, juftly arraigns the fupinenefs of the great-Follow the higher claffes through the bufnefs, the languor or the pleafures of the day, what are the new exertions, the novel measures, what the provifions of defence; what refources never recurred to before are called into action on the fpur of this eventful moment? nothing: the morning's lounge, or the morning's ride, the focial dinner, the gay evening, the amufements of former periods. To the eye of anxious penetration, nothing but a stupid infatuation feems to lull every mind in indolence and apathy.'

A Letter upon the State of Parties: being the firft of a Series of Letters upon the State of Public Affairs. 8vo. Is. Owen. 1797.

This writer affects to imitate the language of Mr. Burke, his authoritative manuer, and the meekness of his decifions. But he wants his powers of thinking. We have here abundance of words, but few ideas; a feries of idle rant, and abfurd declamation. We shall give a short specimen, that the reader may determine for himfelf, as to the general complexion of the author's politics.

• When I hear Mr. Fox calculating allegiance, and fubjecting the duty and obedience of the people to the rules of a hazard table and the chances of dice, can I think it right or expedient to curtail an estimate, or enquire into the caufes of a misfortune or a mistake? When Mr. Erfkine publicly invites the people to evade the law, and describes to them the king's fervants, as "bad men confpiring," can I dare to cenfure the extravagance of an account, or the blunder of an office? When Mr. Horne Tooke invokes the

right hand of the people, is it a time to interpofe with the government, and addrefs the king to put himself into the hands of minifters of his chufing, and in his partnership? I confeís, for one, that I dare not embarrass minifters.' p. 11.


There is not a coffee-house politician, there is not a village quidnunc, who confiders the triumph of Mr. Fox and his party as any thing but a revolution; there is not an honest individual out of our ten millions, if that be our number, who contemplates the removal of the minifters without horror and affright, because they all believe it to be equivalent to the downfall of the conftitution, and fynonymous with the bafeft perfidy, and cowardice, and fubmiffion to France.' p. 12.

A Speech delivered by J. C. Curven, Esq. M. P. to a numerous Meeting of the Freemen and Inhabitants of the City of Carlisle, on the 26th of June laft, convened for the Purpose of petitioning his Majefty to dfmifs his prefent Min fiers. 12mo. 6d. Johnfon. 1797. Mr. Curwen is one of the few members of parliament who have been uniform in cenfuring the origin and conduct of the war, and oppofing the measures of administration. As he possesses a very great stake in the country, what he advances inuft have a proportional influence. He is not one of those who have nothing to lofe' by a revolution; and he confiders the difmiffion of Mr. Pitt and his affociates as one of the means of averting so great a calahity. The Reign of Felicity - The End of Oppreffion The Rights of Infants- The Conftitution of a perfect Commonwealth - The Meridian Sun of Liberty. id. 2d. and 3d. Spence. 1796-7. We have claffed thefe little productions together as coming under one general character, which, indeed, is not a very favourable one. They contain the wild ravings of republican fpleen, calculated to operate on the paffions of the rabble. Such writers are not aware of the mischief they do to rational liberty, by aiming at a fyftem incompatible with the peace, welfare, and morals, of every nation upon earth.

The Principles of the Conflitution of England, including an Account of the Parliament, National Debt, and Eftablished Religion. 8vo. 1s. Debrett. 1797.

This compilation, we are informed, is felected from the works. of eminent political writers, and is intended for the perufal of thofe who have not formed any regular or confiftent idea of the English government, and who have not leifure to attend to vo

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