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first of a series of amendments which were being planned by the Committee to be submitted to a vote of the Senate. On October 16, by a vote of 55 to 35 the Lodge amendments to the Treaty, providing for restoring Germany's former economic privileges on the Shantung Peninsula to China rather than to Japan, as the Treaty had provided, were defeated in the Senate. The expected had happened to a proposed action that would have something in which the other many Powers who had signed the Treaty could not have acquiesced. Few Americans at any time had fully approved of the arrangement made in the Treaty, but the method proposed in the Senate was not generally regarded as one by which the situation could have been improved. Defeat for the amendment had long been foreseen. It was what the great majority of the country had demanded. The vote gave a clear indication that other attempts to make material changes in the treaty would meet the same fate. The nation had for weeks wanted the matter of ratification disposed of as soon as possible. Article X, however, was the heart of the controversy in Washington. By the beginning of September it was the point toward which the battle, after beginning on a farflung front, had steadily narrowed down. As one side or the other yielded on essential issues involved in this article, victory seemed to incline. Article X provided that the League should undertake to protect each and all of the members against wars of conquest and aggression.

The battle seemed to many observers to have been waged, not so much for the safeguarding of American interests, as for safeguarding the amour propre of the Senate majority. For this the President had supplied the provocation when he omitted to give adequate representation in the peace work at Paris to the Senate majority and to the Republican party. By that action he had seriously offended personal susceptibilities and so had aroused partizan anxiety. Republicans saw that the record of their party might suffer, both in the immediate and the more distant future, if it skould appear that they had had no share in shaping the terms of the treaty. Hence. their insistence on amendments and reservations for acceptance by the other Powers, so that the record would stand that the Peace Conference had been compelled to recognize the power of the Senate majority. The Republican party would then have had a share in making peace. On September 10th the treaty as submitted to the Senate by President Wilson on July 10th was reported to the Senate from the Foreign Relations Committee with thirty-eight amendments and four reservations as proposed by the majority of the committee. Senator Lodge expected the treaty to be under debate for at least five weeks.

Contemporary with the report of the treaty to the Senate was the home-coming of General John J. Pershing. There are some occasions which can be compared to no others, in ancient history or in modern, and the arrival in New York, on September 8th, of the Commander-in-Chief of the American Expeditionary Forces, was one of them. No other American Commander-in-Chief had ever before come home after leading troops to victory on battlefields in Europe, and the fine, full ceremonies were events without precedent. There seemed some excuse, in fact, for that impulsive woman who broke the closely guarded ranks of tip-toeing watchers in City Hall Park and planted one firm kiss upon the conquering General's sunbrowned cheek as he was stepping forward toward Mayor Hylan for his greetings. Pershing was going the way all heroes go on arriving in New York-up the City Hall steps—but never had just this kind of hero gone that way before or been received in that way. The General only shrugged a shoulder at the so truly personal tribute.

Pershing took his home-coming simply and quietly, altho it was plain to see that he was moved and had deep joy at being home again. Only once did he seem really perturbed. That was when Warren, his thirteen-year-old son, to whom he had entrusted his commission as full General, got lost in the crowd around City Hall Park and Pershing looked around in sudden dismay. When he spied his son again he was heard to call out, “Have you got that commission. Well-hang on to it!" Never had a General of the United States Army been created under more impressive circumstances. Secretary Baker, when Pershing reached the foot of the gang-plank, stood ready with the commission as authorized by Congress. He held it in his hand in welcoming Pershing, and after greetings in behalf of President Wilson presented it in the President's name. The General turned it over immediately to Warren, who had been the first to break the news to him of his elevation to full generalship, waking him that morning in order to give him a wireless message. Pershing was the fourth of our army men to be made a full general, the others being Grant, Sherman, and Sheridan.

Pershing's arrival signalized and symbolized the end of an epic in American adventure. Of the two million of armed men whom we had sent across the seas, only an inconsiderable number remained waiting in France for homeward ships; a still smaller fraction were in permanent quarters on the Rhine. The country had seen men of the drafted National Army, men of the National Guard, and men of the Regular Army come home ship-load after ship-load, and had seen great parades in great cities in honor of them. Now it welcomed the leader who, in May, 1917, had set sail for Europe

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with a mere corporal's guard. Pershing returned in the anniversary week of the battle of St. Mihiel and came on the Leviathan, once the Hamburg-American ship Vaterland. The conjunction vividly recalled the nature and history of our effort in a great cause.

Our battle history, except for a few preliminary experiences in Lorraine and at Cantigny, extended only from June 1, 1918, when we challenged the Germans around Château-Thierry, to November 11, or fewer than five and a half months. In a war of fifty-one and a half months this seemed only an episode, or a “splendid fragment,” as the London Times called it, but it brought the climax and decision of the war. Concerning that there was no longer any notable difference of opinion. The few doubters could be referred to Ludendorff's own memoirs then in course of publication. Our armies, however, had had the benefit of nearly three years of Allied error and education and thus our effort came into play with a minimum of wastage. Our difficulty was the fact of our fresh and enormous strength. At the end of the war we were fully equal in battle strength to France or Great Britain. The temptation to start in and show Foch and Haig how to win the war might have presented itself to a commanderin-chief less sane than Pershing, who had behind him a virtually limitless store of men and boundless material resources. That temptation either never asserted itself, or was loyally overcome by Pershing. Legend, to be sure, spoke of how he had gone to Foch and protested violently against a continuance of the latter's Fabian policy, but against that picturesque incident we had Foch's moving acknowledgment of how Pershing went to him in the darkest moment of the campaign of 1918 and put the American Army and resources into his hands-in fact, "all that we have.” With this offer probably came an intimation from Pershing that perhaps the American divisions were readier for use than Foch had thought. In any case, the lesson of Cantigny and Château-Thierry was not lost on Foch.

It was a smiling Pershing who leaned far out over a bandstand and railing and threw kisses into the rapturous faces of schoolgirls who, on September 8, after the formalities at the City Hall, gathered to welcome him in Central Park. The stern disciplinarian, the reticent commander of armies, seemed to have quite vanished before the waving of fifty thousand tiny American flags and the lusty cheers that came from leather-lunged schoolboys. Pershing for five minutes became a laughing, hat-swinging, hand-waving hero, just the kind of hero youngsters remember with a warm glow in their hearts for the rest of their lives. Pershing listened to a chorus of children producing a mingled accent of Italian, Russian,

Polish, Irish and all other nationalities that had sent their children to be trained in American citizenship in our schools. As he listened his lips tightened and his eyes grew soft, and he bent over and kissed the flag which stood beside him.

The more formal Victory Parade in Pershing's honor, on September 10, when the First Division with full equipment was led by him down Fifth Avenue, was the climax of processional shows celebrating the achievements of the American Army in France. There would be other parades in which Pershing would take partwelcomes to him soon followed in Philadelphia and Washingtonbut there would be no parade to match this one, because Pershing had then landed straight from the scene of his successes, with laurels fresh upon him, and the division that he led was his favorite division, of whose record in the war he was exceedingly proud. New York saw in this welcome the last chapter in its history of great military spectacles growing out of the war.

Altogether, more than 25,000 fighting men were in line. It was a vast throng that turned out, many deep, from 107th Street south to Washington Square. The applause was continuous, hearty and manifestly genuine. Here and there the chimes of church bells put an edge of sweetness on the shouting. Bells less musical, wooden "crickets," and improvised instruments of discord, converted the plaudits into a great popular demonstration. Now and then, from great office buildings, showers of confetti, long trailing paper streamers and clouds of paper snow helped forward the general gaiety. A group of army airplanes came to Manhattan as a special aerial escort, and flew low over the park and up and down the avenue, at times disappearing from the ken of watchers, only to come roaring back again over their heads. The whole route was gay and colorful with flags and bunting.

Most picturesque of all was the way in which Pershing, members of his staff, officers and men of lesser rank and the long line of marchers, were pelted with flowers. At times Pershing rode and men marched over stretches of asphalt carpeted with laurel. At others, roses and simpler flowers rained down about Pershing and were marched over by his men. Some enthusiast, high above Pershing, would toss down a single blossom at him; perhaps to fall almost at his feet, perhaps to drop far behind him. Even where crowds were least dense, Pershing was kept at almost continual salute by tributes volleyed from both sides of the avenue. His 23,000 men in line were cheered by 1,600,000, or perhaps 2,000,000, spectators in a four-hour parade. Cardinal Mercier of Belgium, who had just landed in New York, viewed the parade from a seat

in front of a Knights of Columbus stand at St. Patrick's Cathedral at Fifth Avenue and Fifty-first Street. When Pershing reached the Cathedral he dismounted from his horse to shake hands with the famous Belgian priest. More than 1,600 guests gathered that night at the Waldorf for a dinner given in honor of Pershing. The guests crowded the big main ballroom, overflowed into the Astor Galleries, the Myrtle Room, the Waldorf Apartments, and the Rose Room, and even filled the Green Room and main foyer. So great was the throng that the hotel management had to detail large numbers of men to guide guests to proper places.

General Pershing, in receiving in person the thanks of Congress a few days later, presented a manly and attractive figure, seemingly unconscious of the eminence he had won as a soldier. His manner was so simple that it should have disarmed any critics who affected to see in him a champion of militarism. With his work well done in the field, he seemed now an average American in his point of view; a man of the people, and as much a democrat as Champ Clark who in a speech claimed him as a sample of the “sort of man Missouri grows when in her most prodigal moods.”


PART OF A COLORED REGIMENT BACK FROM FRANCE These men were of the former Fifteenth New York, and are shown aboard ship on their return home in February, 1919, In September, 1918, this regiment captured 250 machine-guns and 400 prisoners

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