« PředchozíPokračovat »
Copyright by Bain News Service MR. JOHN MASEFIELD THE ENGLISH POET WHO HAS BEEN LECTURING IN THE UNITED STATES, AND WHOSE VIGOROUS VERSE HAS BEEN ONE OF THE STRONGEST ELEMENTS IN THE REMARKABLE POPULAR REVIVAL OF INTEREST IN POETRY IN THIS COUNTRY AND IN ENGLAND
Photographed by Paul Thompson MR. JAMES A. FARRELL PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES STEEL CORPORATION WHO, IN OPENING THE THIRD NATIONAL FOREIGN TRADE CONVENTION, AT NEW ORLEANS, LA., RECENTLY SAID: “WE CAN NO LONGER TALK OF FOREIGN TRADE MERELY AS AN ADJUNCT TO DOMESTIC PROSPERITY. ... THERE CAN BE NO STABLE PROSPERITY AT HOME UNLESS WE ARE ABLE TO MAKE LIBERAL SALES OF AMERICAN MANUFACTURES ABROAD”
(See "The March of Events")
THE PRINCIPLES OF DEFENSE could, however, presumably build a navy
large enough to hold the balance of power HE President on his Western tour between two groups and render ouradvocated for the United States
selves immune from attack. In fact, our a navy second to none.
immunity in the past may partially be laid “There is no navy in the world that has
to the fact that neither faction in Europe so great an area of defense as the American
wished to force us into the camp of its Navy, and it ought to be incomparably enemies. If the war ends in a deadlock the greatest navy in the world."
that situation may continue. If not, the When the President made this statement old balance of power will be upset, and, there was no plan before Congress, even until the equilibrium is found again in in the future, for a navy to equal England's,
some way, it would be comforting to have a and the Secretary of the Navy's plan would larger navy than we are likely to have have to count upon the destruction of some when the war ends. For, while we are at foreign vessels to make our Navy even peace with the world, our traditional policy second best.
of no entanglements means that we should But whatever relative size our Navy have to look out for ourselves in case of ultimately achieves, one thing is certain: war unless it were very plainly to some we should add what strength and morale other nation's advantage to join us. we can to the Navy now, for, as the Presi
Our policy has the inestimable virtue dent said at kansas City:
of keeping us out of other people's wars,
and the corollary of this is that we must Speaking with all solemnity, I assure you that there is not a day to be lost; not, under
ourselves be ready to attend to our own.
The average American has always stand me, because of any new or specially critical matter, but because I cannot tell
looked upon his problem of national detwenty-four hours at a time whether there is fense as the Englishman has looked upon going to be trouble or not, and whether there is his—and they are the only two peoples in or no does not depend upon what I do or what the world who have put their main deI say, or upon what any man in the United pendence in their navies, hired a small army States does or says. depends upon what
of professional soldiers for police work and foreign governments do; what the com
to attend to minor foreign expeditions, and manders of ships at sea do; what those in
for the rest depended on volunteers. The charge of submarines do; what those who are
American looks upon the United States as conducting blockades do. Upon the judgment of a score of men, big and little, hang the vital
if it were a great island-and essentially issues of peace or war for the United States. he is right. And the work of the British
Navy in the present war is convincing The future size of our Navy is dependent proof that we can do no better than imitate upon our international relations. In the
their big naval policy. On the other hand past we have never even pretended to pre- their military experiences ashore are a pare against the British Navy, either be- warning to us not to follow their example cause we felt that our proximity to Canada when framing our army policy. was sufficient guarantee of peace, or be- Their regular army was good, as ours is, cause we feared no trouble with England, or, and though twice as large as ours, its size perhaps, because it would cost too much. is negligible in a modern conflict. Their The General Board's programme which, territorials were not sufficient in numbers however, was neither published nor fol- or training. Their main reliance was lowed, would have been adequate to meet upon training a volunteer army while their either Germany or Japan. The Presi- allies held the Germans off. And, of dent's plan of a navy second to none would, course, finally they came to conscription. of course, put us on a par with any one There is only one way for us to escape nation.
But nowadays nations fight in all these ineffective and terribly costly groups. It is impossible for us to build steps that finally lead to universal service, a navy sufficient to meet any possible com- and that is to adopt the principle of unibination that might come against us. We versal service to begin with.
After a year and a half of war the Eng- having a unified service, for no compromise lish have come to conscription. Whenever can make a unified and efficient force we get into serious difficulty.we recognize out of the militia, for the Constitution that compulsory service is the best military reserves “to the States, respectively, the policy. Washington argued for it. The appointment of the officers and the trainwar of 1812 convinced Jefferson of its ing of the militia, according to the disnecessity. Lincoln resorted to it.
cipline prescribed by Congress." And it And the principle of universal service, seems foolish to try to work on such militia of itself, whether all young men be called when the Constitution gives Congress to training or not, is the only thoroughly the right without restrictions “to raise democratic system of national defense, and support armies," as well as “to provide for it is not democratic to hire defenders for the common defense.” nor to depend on the more patriotic to volunteer to defend the “slackers.” Nor INDEPENDENCE AND RUIN FOR is there necessarily any militarism con
THE FILIPINO nected with universal service. Militarism arises in a state where there is a military
HE Clarke amendment to the class with special privileges which controls
Philippines bill provides for the the policy of the government. In the
independence of the Islands at autocracies of Russia and Germany, where the end of four years' time. However, if there is universal service, there is a conditions seem not to warrant our withprivileged military group and there is drawal the President is empowered to militarism. In the democracies of France, delay the process until another Congres: Switzerland, and Australia, where there is can consider the matter. universal service, there is no privileged
This bill means to end our administramilitary group and no militarism.
tion of the Islands after about twenty But in the correspondence between the years of tutelage. In the main we have President and Mr. Garrison the President administered the Philippines generously goes on record against universal service. and well. We have, of course, used the Aside from this he explained that his mind Filipinos as a protected market for our was open to any plan but committed to manufactures, but that is not surprising. none. It was evident at that time that as we do that to our own citizens unless the Continental Army plan had also. We have kept order, increased active Administration support it would transportation facilities, introduced sanfail. Taken together these things seemed itation, and made a good beginning in to mean that any increase in the Army education. would be gained on the principle of the We shall stop these activities when we Federal control of the militia advocated by leave the Islands but we shall be reRepresentative Hay. It was entirely log- sponsible for their defense--but not ical, therefore, for a Secretary who felt responsible for any actions of theirs that the adoption of such a principle which might require defense. We are to would be a national calamity to resign,
leave the actions of the Filipinos entirely especially as a similar drift of affairs under their own control, but we are to be seemed about to make him a silent partner responsible to outsiders. We are to keep in the abandonment of the Philippines. aggressors off the Islands but the defenses
The President's policy, that it would be are to be left in Filipino hands. We are unwise for the Executive to interfere with to extend the Monroe Doctrine across Congress, depends for justification on its the Pacific to a people who never had results. When all is said and done the enough courage or character to gain American people look to the Executive their independence in the face of our refor leadership and results, not to Congress. cent Mexican experiences with a people
The danger at present seems to be that who have had independence for a hunnot only will the principle of universal service be lost sight of, but also the principle of The best precedent for immediate Fili
pino independence is, of course, the inde- tariff out of politics is the same as asking pendence of Cuba. Cuba has conducted
Cuba has conducted for taxation without representation. her affairs moderately well (though a But it is wise for the Committee of Ways second intervention was necessary) yet and Means, which frames the tariff, to hire not so brilliantly as to encourage the the best economic and accounting help it experiment with a people less homogeneous can get. It does not make much differand more backward than the Cubans, ence what this help is called. Similarly, people, moreover, living on many different the other committees of Congress should islands, speaking many different tongues, have a great deal more assistance than with different and conflicting religions. they have. There is as much need of a
There are two logical things to do with scientific non-partisan expenditures board the Philippines: (1) to get rid of them and to help the committee on appropriations all responsibility for them; (2) to ac- as there is of a tariff board. cept them and responsibility for them. Most of the committees of Congress
If we traded the Islands for the British should employ more expert assistance just West Indies we might get rid of responsi- as other men of large affairs do. And it bility for them, for it would descend on does no particular harm to attach to these England; but unless we pass the responsi- men the high-sounding adjectives "scienbility on to some other nation it will re- tific" and "non-partisan.' main with us. The Filipinos cannot take it.
LOOKING BACKWARD-AND FORANOTHER TARIFF BOARD
WARD R. TAFT, when he was President, RESIDENT WILSON, in his adappointed a non-partisan scientific dress in New York City before the tariff commission to study the
Railway Business Association on difference in cost of production in this January 27th, and Mr. James A. Farrell, country and abroad so that a Republican president of the United States Steel CorCongress could have the facts on which poration, in his address in New Orleans beto make an accurately protective tariff. fore the National Foreign Trade Council on The Democratic House of Representatives the same day both called attention to the very naturally abolished this board be- changed economic position of the United cause it did not want information on how States and to the necessity for an adjustto make a protective tariff.
ment of the public mind to realize this Now President Wilson is advocating a change and to meet the new problems of non-partisan scientific tariff board to the future with fresh vision. study the tariff from the Democratic point President Wilson's words were these: of view—the tariff-for-revenue-only point “Think of the position into which of view, and to give Congress information America has been drawn, almost in spite on the new economic and commercial sit- of herself, by the circumstances of the uations developed by the war.
present day. She alone is free to help Such a body might be very useful to find things wherever they show themselves Democratic Congresses. But when the in the world. And she is forced, also, first Republican House of Representatives whether she will or not, in the decades comes along it may in its turn demand immediately ahead of us, to furnish the that the tariff board change its activi- world with its chief economic guidance ties or cease to exist.
and assistance." A board or commission to study the Mr. Farrell said: tariff can give Congress many facts which “We can no longer talk of foreign trade Congress cannot get for itself. It can merely as an adjunct of domestic act as a statistical department acts for a prosperity. The fact has to be recognized business house. But in the final analysis that there can be no stable prosperity at Congress must decide what kind of a tariff home unless we are able to make liberal we shall have. The talk of taking the sales of American manufactures abroad.”