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There is a useful bibliography of Prof. Lammasch's complete works, books as well as articles, covering eight pages. The volume, attractively gotten up and containing a good portrait of Lammasch, is worthy of the memory of the most distinguished Austrian jurist of the present age.


An Introduction to the Study of International Organization. By Pitman

B. Potter, Ph.D. New York: The Century Company. 1922. p. 647. $4.00.

This contribution to the literature on international law of Professor Potter is most valuable and interesting. There is no subject that has a greater importance in contemporary international relations than the question of international organization. In starting his analysis, the author gives a short but concise review of historical events and of the gradual development of the modern state-system (Part I) and diplomacy (Part II). The student of international relations can get in these chapters a fair idea of the evolution of diplomatic intercourse, of its organization and practice and a well-thought out criticism of the modern system. In Part III and IV the author describes the contemporary treaty system and international arbitration. A slight criticism might be made, however, about Chapter XIII. Good offices and mediation are not very clearly defined, nor distinguished from one another, and thus will be apt to confound any student who is not sufficiently wellequipped in international law. The history of the Hague system and the following Part V (on international administration) are, on the contrary, lucid and very satisfactory, giving a vivid picture of the whole matter.

In Part V Professor Potter endeavors to sketch the history of international conferences, including in his narrative the most recent events concerning the Versailles Treaty and winding it up with a chapter on the problem of peace and its relation to international organization (XXII). These three chapters and the following Part VII (on international federation) are probably the most valuable part of the book. There is much new material in them and many of the questions are discussed in such details as never before. The author does not omit to mention the juristic theories concerning the idea of a possible international federation. Two suggestions, however, occur to the reviewer in this respect: First, that the author did not pay sufficient attention to the recent developments in the British Empire; the history of the Imperial Conferences of Great Britain gives invaluable material for the study of any possible federations, national or international. And secondly, that he somewhat underrates the former influence of the very pernicious formula of Rebus sic stantibus," which was continually undermining the agreements of the nineteenth century.

The concluding two chapters (XXVIII and XXIX) are devoted to the League of Nations and the organization of 1921. Perhaps on account of the events being too recent, the author's narrative becomes a little too sketchy and some of his statements do not find sufficient corroboration in the present-day conditions of Europe. Finally, in a long appendix, Professor Potter gives the necessary documents, illustrating his text and very useful to the student of international relations.

There could possibly be made one general remark concerning the volume of Professor Potter. It seems mainly not very well balanced in the distribution of material which he analyzes and interprets. There are two distinct parts in his work,-treaties and international relations in the technical meaning of the term, and the question of federation or organization. Both are equally important, but likewise complicated. If they are discussed parallel, as in the present volume, one of them is apt to suffer, and this is what seems to have happened to the first one, because the second one (international organization) has so evidently the sympathy of the author. This criticism however is in no way meant to detract from the very great merits of the work in general. The volume is most stimulating and inspiring, being a decided step forward in the realization of our ideal of a future international organization standing for peace and friendship among the nations of the world.


The American Philosophy of Government. By Alpheus Henry Snow. New

York: G. P. Putnam's Sons. 1921. pp. 485.

In addition to the valuable report prepared by Mr. Snow for the Department of State and recently published under the title of The Question of Aborigines in the Law and Practice of Nations, a further volume of collected papers is now forthcoming which must enhance the esteem in which his name will be held by students of international law. The papers included in the present volume cover a period of some fifteen years, and deal not so much with the American philosophy of government as an internal question of domestic administration, as with the problem of adjusting American political ideals to the necessary relations of international life.

A single thread of principle runs through the opinions of the author on the various subjects treated. The primary object of all government, Mr. Snow holds, is the protection of the fundamental rights of the citizen. These rights are not peculiar to citizens of the United States; they are universal and "unalienable"; they are the law "made by human society as an organized unitary community” (p. 23); and in consequence the American philosophy of government is international as well as national. The protection of individual rights is to be secured by establishing a government of limited constitutional powers, bound by a higher law than its own immediate will, and so checked and balanced in the distribution of its powers as to be practically incapable of tyranny.

The principles constituting the American philosophy of government must, the author holds, be made in like manner the foundation of whatever international institutions may be established between the nations for the regulation of their mutual relations. A cooperative union of nations is, indeed, desirable, but the government which it sets up must be of a limited character, guaranteed by its very organization against the possibility of exercising arbitrary power. As a model for such a "cooperative union,” the author points to the Pan American Union and shows how a similar organization might be adapted to the larger union of the nations. The government of the union might take the form of a “directorate," whose duty it would be to give counsel to the nations by investigating facts and proposing awards, leaving it to the voluntary act of the separate nations to put the counsel given into effect. Enlightened self-interest, seen to be the interest of the community of nations as a whole, would replace compulsion as a factor in international government.

Judging it by this test, the author felt it necessary to reject the League of Nations as a solution of the problem of international union. Until the American philosophy of individual rights was more generally accepted it was unwise, and indeed unconstitutional, for the United States to enter the new “body politic and corporate" which would have a "political and legal personality distinct from that of the United States” (p. 157). Moreover, the Covenant failed to impose upon the organization it created the restraints necessary to substitute justice and law for force as a factor in international relations. Before there could be any "general obligatory union of States” there was still much work for political scientists in all countries, in introducing into the constitutions of their states the checks needed to bring the foreign offices of their governments under more direct control.

While there is a note of idealism—a belief in law and reason as the agencies of international progress-in the position taken by Mr. Snow with which the reviewer is heartily in accord it is impossible at times to follow him in his abstract theory of individual rights and in his belief in the superior wisdom and justice of the United States. The record of American foreign policy does not seem to justify the statement that it is “the failure of other nations to accept our philosophy and system" which particularly stands in the way of international arbitration (p. 31); nor does it appear that “the wars which the United States has fought have all been for the purpose of protecting the fundamental rights of the individual and maintaining the nation as the guardian of those rights” (p. 33). The political ideals of the United States have doubtless contributed largely to the progress of good government in the world; they have not always been followed in its own domestic and foreign policies.


Manuel de Droit International Privé. By André Weiss. 8th ed. Paris:

Librairie de la Société du Recueil Sirey. 1920. pp. xxviii, 712.

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The public has set its seal of approval upon this work by requiring eight editions within the space of a generation, and since, as the author tells us, this edition does not differ noticeably from the preceding one, it is not necessary to enter into a detailed consideration of the contents. The primary purpose of the manual is to discuss the theory of the conflict of laws, but Professor Weiss, to meet the requirements of the French educational program, has also included the subjects of nationality and the rights of aliens, which, as he truly remarks, constitute a natural introduction.

In a short preliminary chapter the principles of international law are stated with truly French clarity and precision. The conflicts which it is the purpose of international law to settle may be divided as regards the interests concerned into two classes. The first of these comprises the conflicts which relate to matters of general interest. They fall within the province of public (international) law. In such differences, Professor Weiss explains, the interests of the state as a Power-or international person-are at stake, and the state acts in its own name. In controversies of the second class we have to do with the interests of individuals, and the state intervenes only as the guardian of the private interests of its nationals. Since two sovereignties are here in conflict, just as in the preceding cases, we have to do with an international controversy, only the interests affected are not the same and this difference corresponds to the difference between the two important branches of international law: that of Public and that of Private International Law. Accordingly, Professor Weiss defines Private International Law to be “the collection of rules applied to the settlement of conflicts which arise between two sovereignties, either in regard to their respective laws governing individual interests (lois priveés) or in regard to the individual interests of their nationals" (p. xxv).

Clear as this definition appears at first sight, the author confesses that "nothing is more difficult than to determine its exact application" (p. xxvi). For instance, he does not, as he explains, entirely agree with the late Professor Renault that extradition pertains to public rather than to private international law, but he essays to avoid this difficulty by classing extradition under a separate heading entitled International Criminal Law (Droit international criminel). May not this difficulty of application be due to a defect in the basic conception and definition of private international law? When these controversies of private international law are regulated by treaty stipulations do they not pass forthwith into the realm of public international law? In the case of interposition for any denial of the rights of a state's nationals is not the interest primarily individual? The answer to these questions must be left to the specialists who are thoroughly conversant with all the intricacies of the matter, but the student of international relations may perhaps be permitted to question whether they have as yet supplied him with a satisfactory definition and system of classification.

Be that as it may, no one is better qualified to speak with authority than M. Weiss, who has been for so many years professor of public and private international law at the University of Paris, who is a member of the Permanent Court of Arbitration at The Hague, and who has through his position of legal advisor to the French Foreign Office kept in the closest touch with practical affairs.


An Introduction to the Problem of Government. By Westel W. Willoughby

and Lindsay Rogers. Garden City, N. Y., and Toronto: Doubleday, Page & Co. 1921. pp. X, 545. Index.

This is a joint work by the Professor of Political Science in the Johns Hopkins University and the Associate Professor of Government in Columbia University. The purpose of the volume, as stated by the authors, is to introduce the reader to the problems of constitutional and popular government. This they undertake to do, not by simply furnishing an outline of the manner in which modern governments are organized, but by giving an insight into the principles behind the facts.

Numerous and copious footnotes contain summary treatment of phases of the subject which do not come within the full treatment of the text, and a list of topics for further investigation appended to each chapter directs the student who would know more of the subject after reading this introduction.

The twenty-four chapters of text are followed by an appendix of illustrative documents, including the Overman Act of May 20, 1918, authorizing the President to redistribute the functions of the executive departments; a reprint from the Literary Digest of October 30, 1920 on "Lobbies and Lobbyists in Washington”; Rules for the operation of Proportional Representation drafted when the British Reform Act of 1918 was under consideration; the Budget and Accounting Act of 1921; and the Constitution of Japan.


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