66

"me all about it; it appears she's gone to live---you understand---ha, yes, exactly so--she's gone to live with that vile old wretch "Grumpus, that horrid old profligate, and she's to have an annuity "of two hundred and fifty pounds a-year settled upon her for life; "I declare I was quite shocked when I heard it; to think that a woman come to her time of life (people say she's the wrong side of fifty) should think of such things!"

66

"O the vile, shameful, shameless woman!" exclaimed Miss M'Scratch.

After some further vituperatory comments had been made upon Miss Tatler, various miscellaneous matters were treated of, but as they were of no particular interest, I do not think expedient to report them here. Precisely as the drowsy voice of the guardian of the night notified to all sober and discreet folks the arrival of the hour of ten, the conversation suddenly flagged, the ladies lifted their shawls from the backs of their chairs, and drew them across their shoulders, the gentlemen buttoned their coats from the nethermost to the topmost button, observations "that it was growing late" were made, and there were other symptoms of departure. Presently there was a general rise. Lady Gabbleblab was assailed with farewells, and protestations of the delightful evening which had been spent; to which her ladyship returned thanks for her friends' kindness, and regrettings that she could not make the evening pass pleasanter, but she hoped another time, &c. &c. The party then adjourned to the cloak room, where a new scene presented itself of damsels with lanterns, clogs, and cloaks, and boys with ditto ditto, waiting for their respective mistresses. Mrs. Garrulous and I were accidentally brought into contact in the packing-up room.

"What a very pleasant, delightful evening we have spent," said she; "these snug, little, social parties, are so much pleasanter than any other; don't you think So, Mr. Dimple?"

66

66

"Unquestionably, madam," was the reply.

"But poor, dear Lady Gabbleblab," resumed the lady," she's a kind, good-natured, excellent soul, but one must own she's rather prosy and tiresome; but then," added she with an amiable extenuation," she's old now, not far from seventy I should think, Mr. "Dimple?"

"Perhaps about that."

"Well, good night, Mr. Dimple; we've had a very pleasant "evening nevertheless, as every thing must be pleasant where you are-good night."

"You flatter me too much, my dear madam; I wish you good HYACINTHUS DIMPLE.

"night."

STANZAS.

That we have loved, I'll not regret ;.
For to a life of weariness

Nought but thy love could e'er impart

One transient gleam of happiness.

And dismal had it been to dwell

For years upon a world so fair, With such blue skies, and then to die, Nor meet one hour of pleasure there.

My childhood I almost forget;

I only know I loved thee well;

I've known too much of misery

To wish upon the past to dwell.

Save one bright hour, the whole dark scene
Of memory gladly would I rase ;-

That hour my lute had touched thy soul;

Thy soft, full voice breathed words of praise:

They were the first of heartfelt praise
That ever stole upon mine ear;

Oh how they thrilled my joyful breast!
They had been sweet from one less dear.

And I, almost a child, had power

To move a manly soul like thine; Then proudly beat my heart: I thought That perfect happiness was mine.

But little, then, did I foresee

The real bliss I since have proved;
For till I learned thy heart was mine,
I never even knew I loved.

No word of love hath passed thy lips,

But there was language in thine eye; And mine hath read it, and too well,

Unconsciously, made quick reply. They surely know not joy, that say

He dwells with hope or memory; The really joyous heart is but

Too full with present extacy.

The past had flown before thy glance,
Like fairy elves from morning light;

I was beloved---I had commenced

A fresh existence on that night;

Gaily with thee, the dance I trod,

Thine eyes beamed gladness on my face;

With all our dearest friends around,

Could thoughts of future there find place?

This may not be--I may not love--

These dreams must yield to reason's sway;

If Love's bright sun for us is set,

We yet may live in Friendship's ray.

They say her's is a purer flame,

That flits not as Love's transient beam:

Like her's, calm Hesper's lovely light;
Like his, the meteor's fiery gleam.

It may be true--then, let us hope

That pleasure, yet, we both may know ;

But, still, whene'er I think of thee,

These tears, these foolish tears, will flow.

DIARY OF AN M. P.

March 1. There are traits in the Irish character which I ardently admire. My noble friend, Londonderry, no bad specimen. Has all the ingenuous warmth of temper, manly, above-boardness and chivalrous courage of the "sons of Erin." His son Castlereagh a second edition of him: made an excellent speech last night--Canning, Peel, and I complimented him on it. He is a worthy young fellow---one of us---will tell. I was much disappointed by the Master of the Rolls' Chancery speech: too tedious and monotonous by half: devilish borish to hear him often---hope he wont try. He is, I fear, but a special pleader after all. Brougham's attack on the old Chancellor more bitter than severe, and more pointed than effective. His lordship is what Paley calls a trump. To be sure no prodigal, or hater of place. His political errors after all-those of his profession;---his learning, integrity, judgment, and conscientiousness---his own. Too much of the old school--too great a laudator temporis acti---for the present administration; but he will not long trouble them. His opposition to Canning's prepotency in the Cabinet, impotent and senile---No Go, as Chesterfield elegantly and classically expresses it. Nothing talked of at Brookes's and White's but Lord Liverpool's successor, and the probable result of Sir F. Burdett's motion: 7 to 4 offered at Brookes's of a majority of 10--few takers. 3 to 1 readily taken at White's of a minority of 10. Lowther and Derry Dawson offer 2 to 1-a minority of 5. How preposterous the newspaper speculations as to the future head of the Ministry! One dubs Peel, First Lord of the Treasury; another denies that, asserting Bathurst will be the nominal while Peel will be the actual ruler of the state (some sense in that---Peel, I understand, is playing a deep game); another appoints Jeremy Bentham's step-son, Milord Colchester; another, Goulburn; and another, Lord Lansdowne; while the Times gravely asserts, the fight lies between the Commander-in-Chief and the Foreign Secretary. They are all pretty considerably amusingly wrong, I guess; and betray no little non-acquaintance with the parties. For, in the first place as to Peel, he is not, nor ever will be, fit to be at the head of affairs. His reputation is founded wholly on the division of labor, and is therefore incompatible with the variety of subjects which would occupy the attention of a Prime Minister. In a secondary station, his influence will always be first rate; in the first station, from want of depth and breadth of view, he would be nobody. There is too much artificialness and mechanical skill in Peel, for him ever to be more than a leader of a party; and but for that party, Peel's probable rank in the House would be lowly enough. What if at his onset he fell into our ranks? Would he be thought superior---nay, would he be thought equal--to Lord J. Russell, or Althorpe, or Milton, or even Spring Rice? not to talk of our heavy weights. And if he had sided with the liberal portion of the Cabinet, would he have occupied even Dawson's sub-secretaryship? Would he now enjoy the character for natural

and acquired endowments of Charles Grant? Even as it is, had he not officially brought forward measures which we matured and prepared to his hands, would Cam Hobhouse be chorussing his "solid

and honorable reputation?" As to poor old Bathurst, the first cross-examination of the "noble lords on the cross bench" would kill him. The accession of Lansdowne in his stead would be advantageous. The noble Marquis's fluent readiness of words, and if not intelligibility, at least guessability, of meaning, would be a great relief after the misty mumblings of the Colonial Secretary; while his speeches, not being very much weighed down by heavy arguments, would not detract from their merits in their lordship's estimation. As to the "ould speaker," as Dick Martin calls Milord Colchester, when he will be virtually First Lord of the Treasury, Į will be a saint, and the saints will be free from cant and love of the marvellous. Goulburn's name must have been put forward in satirical merriment. Prime Minister indeed! The wonder is, how he became the veriest subaltern of the Government: a man without any intellectual or family pretensions whatever---without even the low merit of being a useful mechanical plodder, and only distinguished from other bigots from instinct, by a petulant conceit that leads to ambitious projects, which, by directing some observation upon him, only render him the more contemptible.---The Times is utterly mistaken as to the Grand Duke's character. I know his Grace well, and pronounce him to be the antithesis of guile and wilyish-courtier intrigue. Wellington is a soldier, not a lawyer; and is a model of every thing straight forward and undeviating. There is certainly no love extraordinary between him and the Foreign Secretary; but I am convinced the fight---if fight there be---will be fair, standupish, and á-la-Hickman. But it is a mistake altogether to suppose that he is anxious to be Prime Minister. Londonderry tells me his only wish is to retain his seat in the Cabinet. Canning must be Prime Minister---tbe Administration cannot do without him; and neither my excellent friend, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, nor Huskisson, nor myself, will accept of office under any other leader. That fact settles the business.

2. Sorry to see Mr. Canning still so delicate; top of his forehead or occiput pale and ashy-bad sign. His long expected revelation of the designs of Ministers against the agricultural interests, smacks of the parturiunt montes, &c. after all. The change in the Corn Laws considerable, and will by no means satisfy the manufaeturers, while it gives us no little uneasiness, the rather as nothing determinate has been done in regard to the currency, though the change goes to prevent the price of wheat ever exceeding 60s. per quarter: I entirely agree with my excellent, enlightened, and respected friend of Felix Hall*, as to the necessity of having an unfluctuating scheme of currency adopted before any alteration should be proposed in the Corn Laws. Why should 60s. be fixed as the maximum price of corn, till the value of that 60s. is determinate? 'Tis a pity the

* Letter to the Earl of Liverpool, on the causes of our present embarrassment, &c. &c., by C. C. Western, Esq. M. P. An able and perspicuous pamphlet.

currency question is not better understood in the House, and its connections with the Corn Laws not more felt out of doors. "It is "time," says my clear minded friend, Mr. Western, "to deal fairly " and openly with the public upon the subject of the currency; and "let them know the variation to which it has been subject, and "make them understand the influence that it has upon the price of "commodities; that without a given proportion of currency or cir"culating medium, there never can be an adequate price for any product of industry and labor, nor for the wages of the labor. And " that with an excess of currency the prices might be too high, or in "other words, money too cheap or plentiful. They would then be "able to discern when the price was discerned by scarcity or abund"ance of money, or a scarcity or abundance of any commodity itself. "The public eye would thus be, as it ought to be, with a credit, or "indeed any currency, devoutly upon the watch; and measuring it "with the price of commodities, would keep it within bounds, or at "least operate very powerfully towards doing so. A metallic stan

66

"dard then adopted upon a level with the present state and situations "of the country, would, aided by public opinion, operate effectually. "There is no class of people for whom I contend a just alteration of "the standard is more necessary, than for the public creditors, and "indeed creditors of every description*. There is nothing else can prevent their being involved with their debtors in one common "ruin." I regret my honorable friend has not given us the rationale of his facts and inferences-'twould render his letter very valuable, though it might be foreign from its scope. "Tis a great loss to the gentry and the yeomanry of England, that the member for Essex has not more power of voice and manner in his addresses to the House. Mr. Western speaks like one who was munching a crust while he was talking; the consequence is, his excellent matter and language is comparatively ineffectual. With his knowledge, extensive acquirements, and high character, but for elocutionary defects, he would be not only a main prop of the landed interest, but the influential leader of the " country gentlemen." His denunciation of the measures in their present shape, as a "most perilous experiment," I almost entirely assent to. My father assures me that for every million of quarters of foreign corn imported into this country, 250,000 acres of land would cease to be tilled, and 50,000 laborers would be thrown out of employment : would the manufacture of the goods sent in exchange for this corn, give employment not only to the distressed thousands of artisans, but also to these 50,000 agricultural laborers? I should like to hear Huskisson, the stern free-trader, answer the question. Can anything be more senseless and absurd than ascribing the distresses of the manufacturers to the price of corn. In February, 1825, the manufacturers were admitted to be at the zenith of prosperity and content; and yet what was the price of wheat? 68s. per quarter what is it now? but 53s., and yet the picture is reversed. I am glad to see that fine, manly Let the public creditor consider too, that the public securities have always risen with an expansion of the currency and fallen with the contraction, and in no instance so striking as in that immediately before us.