liberties, and who will vindicate them, if ever they should be violated. But the subject is too delicate-I will say

no more.

1765.

Barré's eloquence had its effect, but it was only momentary; the bill passed by a vote of two hundred and fortyfive to forty-nine: there was no division, or the slightest opposition in the Lords; and, on the 22d of March, the royal assent was given, and the Stamp Act became a law.* Barré's words had been heard in the gallery by an American, who wrote them out, sent them across the Atlantic, and by midsummer, they were as familiar as household words to the Americans, and the name of SONS OF LIBERTY cheered and strengthened the hearts of thousands to dare and do in behalf of their rights. Franklin, on the very night of the passage of the bill, wrote to his friend, Charles Thompson, afterwards secretary of Congress: "the sun of liberty is set; the Americans must light the lamps of industry and economy." "Be assured," was Mr. Thompson's response soon after: "we shall light torches of a very different sort," a significant allusion to what would inevitably follow any attempt to carry out so unjust and impolitic a scheme, as that of the English ministry.

In the Annual Mutiny Act, there was a clause inserted, which was to carry out another part of the ministerial plans, by authorizing as many troops to be sent to America as the ministers might see fit. For these

ter.

* See Appendix II., at the end of the present chap

troops, by a special enactment, as Mr. Hildreth notes, known as the "Quartering Act," the colonies in which these troops might be stationed, were required to find quarters, fire-wood, bedding, drink, soap, and candles.

1765.

The Virginia Assembly was in session, in May, when the news arrived of the passage of these acts. The feelings of the people had been gradually becoming more and more excited; the minister's plan of employing only Americans to act as executors of the Stamp tax, gave no satisfaction or promise of its being quietly yielded to; and although the aristocracy might hesitate in a case like this, where so many interests seemed to be at stake, the mass of the people found their fit champion in Patrick Henry. He had already distinguished himself in Virginia, in 1763, where, contrary to the law, and notwithstanding the most clear legal rights of the plaintiffs, (the colonial clergy), he had succeeded, by the mere force of his eloquence, in carrying the jury, and the whole court, in favor of his clients, the defendants.* Chosen a member of the Assembly, Henry now, when others hesitated, stepped forth, and proposed these stirring Resolutions:

Resolved, That the first adventurers, settlers of this his Majesty's colony and dominion of Virginia, brought with them and transmitted to their posterity, and all other his Majesty's subjects, since inhabiting in this his Majesty's said colony, all the privileges, fran

† See Wirt's "Life of Patrick Henry," pp. 37–49 : also Hildreth, vol. ii. p. 508, 9.

Entered according to act of Congress 1856 by Martin & Johnson. in the Clerks office of the district Court of the Southern district of NY.

CH. X.]

chises, and immunities that have at any time been held, enjoyed, and possessed by the people of Great Britain.

Resolved, That by two royal charters, granted by King James I., the colonies aforesaid are declared entitled to all liberties, privileges, and immunities of denizens, and natural-born subjects, to all intents and purposes, as if they had been abiding, and born within the realm of England.

Resolved, That the taxation of the people by themselves, or by persons chosen by themselves to represent them, who can only know what taxes the people are able to bear, and the easiest mode of raising them, and are equally affected by such taxes themselves, is the distinguishing characteristic of British freedom, and without which the ancient constitution cannot subsist.

Resolved, That his Majesty's liege people, of this most ancient colony, have enjoyed the rights of being thus governed by their own Assembly, in the article of taxes, and internal police, and that the same have never been forfeited, or yielded up, but have been constantly recognized by the king and people of Britain.

Resolved, therefore, That the General Assembly of this Colony, have the sole right and power, to lay taxes and imposts upon the inhabitants of this colony, and that every attempt to vest such power in any other person or persons whatsoever, than the General Assembly aforesaid, has a manifest tendency to destroy British, as well as American freedom.

A violent debate ensued, which was

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protracted for hours. Henry, roused by imputations freely uttered by those who opposed action, exclaimed, "Cæsar had his Brutus, Charles I. his Cromwell, and George III."

"Treason!" cried the speaker"Treason! "Treason! treason!" echoed from every part of the house. "It was one of those trying moments," as Mr. Wirt well says, "which are decisive of character. Henry faltered not for an instant, but rising to a loftier attitude, and fixing on the speaker an eye of the most determined fire, he finished his sentence with the firmest emphasis,'and George III.-may profit by their example! If this be treason, sir, make the most of it.'"*

The resolutions were carried, the last by a majority of only one vote. It is true that the next day, when Henry was absent, the last resolution was rescinded; nevertheless, in their original form they were speedily put in circulation throughout the colonies, and gave a strong impulse to the popular feeling. feeling. The bold stand of Virginia, was well calculated to nerve the patriotic hearts of true men everywhere.

1765.

In Massachusetts, before the news arrived of what had been done by the Virginians, the General Court appointed a committee of nine to consider the steps necessary to be taken in the present emergency. That committee (June 6th,) recommended the calling of a Congress at New York, on the first Tuesday in October, to consult upon the affairs of the colonies, and "to consider of a general and humble

* Wirt's "Life of Patrick Henry," p. 83.

Address to his Majesty and the Parliament, to implore relief." Governor Bernard thought it best to concur in the adoption of this plan. James Otis, with Ruggles and Partridge, were deputed to represent Massachusetts in this Congress.

A popular outbreak soon after, showed how violently the spirit of opposition had begun to work. A large elm tree in Boston, under which the opponents of the stamp tax were accustomed to assemble, soon became famous as "Liberty Tree." Early in the morning of August 14th, two effigies were suspended from the branches of this elm; one was designed for Oliver, secretary of the colony, and appointed stamp distributer; the other, intended for the Earl of Bute, prime minister, was a jack boot, with a head and horns peeping out at the top. Great numbers both from town and country came to see them. The spectators soon entered into the spirit of the thing. In the evening the whole was cut down and carried in procession by the populace, shouting "liberty and property forever! no stamps!" They next pulled down a new building, lately erected by Mr. Oliver. They then went to his house, before which they beheaded his effigy, and at the same time broke his windows. Eleven days after, similar violences were repeated. The mob at tacked the house of Mr. William Story, deputy register of the court of admiralty, broke his windows, forced into his dwelling house, and destroyed the books and files belonging to the said court, and ruined a great part of his furniture. They next proceeded to

the house of Benjamin Hallowel, comptroller of the customs, and repeated similar excesses, and drank and destroyed his liquors. They afterwards proceeded to the house of Mr. Hutchinson, and soon demolished it. They carried off his plate, furniture, and apparel, and scattered or destroyed manuscripts, and other curious and useful papers, which for thirty years he had been collecting, an irreparable loss. About half a dozen of the meanest of the mob were soon after taken up and committed, but they either broke jail, or otherwise escaped all punishment. The inhabitants of Boston, in a town meeting, expressed their abhorrence of these excesses, and a civic guard was organized to prevent their recurrence; but the rioters, though well known, were never punished, a proof that the community generally, though unwilling to do such things, were not sorry that they had been done by others.

There were similar outbreaks of popular fury in the other colonies. On the 24th of August a gazette extraordinary was published at Providence, with Vox Populi vox Dei, for a motto: effigies were exhibited, and in the evening cut down and burnt. Three days afterwards, the people of Newport conducted effigies of three obnoxious persons in a cart, with halters about their necks, to a gallows near the town house, where they were hung, and after a while cut down and burnt amidst the acclamations of thousands. On the last day of October, a body of people from the country, approached the town of Portsmouth, New Hampshire, in the apprehension that the stamps would