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PAUL'S SCHOOL Boys; College Preparatory: 18 miles from N. Fred'k L. Gamage, D.C.L., Head Master, THE CHESHIRE SCHOOL Cheshire, Conn. FOUNDED 1794. (13 miles north of New Haven.) MOUNTAIN ELEVATION A select and model preparatory school for New Hampshire. SIMPLE ANNALS, by M. E. Francis, pp. 311: $1.50. (Longmans, Green & Co.) WAY (The) OF THE GODS, by John Luther HOLDERNESS SCHOOL FOR Long, pp. 314: $1.50. (Macmillan Co.) O'BRIENS: YOUNG (The) BEING AN ACcount of their Sojourn in London, by the author of "Elizabeth's Children,' pp. 347. (John Lane Co.) BOYS We do not attempt to advertise all of the particular advantages of this school. If you wish to learn of them send for catalogue. Address Rev. Lorin Webster, M.A., Rector, Plymouth, N. H. BOYS 112th year. Modern Sanitary Plumbing, Catalogues on application. CONNECTICUT, Bridgeport. For manly boys. A home and school combined. 34th year. SETH B. JONES, A.M., Principal. Virginia. Episcopal High School NEAR ALEXANDRIA, VA. The 68th year opens Sept. 26, 1906. L. M. BLACKFORD, LL.D., Principal. SCHOOLS FOR GIRLS. MRS. HAZEN'S SUBURBAN SCHOOL Half hour from New York. Pelham Manor, N. Y. RYE SEMINARY For particulars address Mrs. 8. J. LIFE, The Misses STOWE, Rye, New York. ST. AGNES SCHOOL ALBANY, N. Y. Re-opens in September for its thirty-sixth CHESTNUT HILL, Philadelphia. Mrs. Chapman and BOARDING AND DAY E WALNUT LANE SCHOOL MRS. THEODORA B. RICHARDS, Principal Ohio. The Bartholomew-Clifton School FOR GIRLS An attractive home department for a limited num. ber of resident pupils. Prepares for the best colleges. Special advantages in Music, Art and Languages. Tennis, Basket-Ball. MISS E. A. ELY, A.M., and MISS M. F. SMITH, Princ'ls. Evanswood, Clifton, Cincinnati. Maryland. Edgeworth Boarding and Day School Mrs. H. P. LEFEBVRE, Principals. Tennessee. Gunston Hall 1906 Florida Ave., N. W. Washington, D. C. A beautiful France. MISS HESS' FRENCH SCHOOL For Young Ladies for Supplementary Study 17th year. 145 Avenue Victor Hugo, Paris, France. BUFORD COLLEGE for Women Nashville, Tenn. Limited and select. Ideal location-country and city com bined. Graduate, Post-graduate, University Preparatory Courses, University Bible Course. Conservatory advantages in Language, Art, Music, Expression. Year book free. E. G. Buford, Regent, Mrs. E. G. Buford, Pres't. District of Columbia. Bristol School. An Episcopal School for Girls lishing Company issue six lessons Alaska which might well furnish material for a full quarter, and six lessons on Home and College Preparatory Courses. Recent purchase of Chevy Chase French School on adjoining grounds affords separate residence for students of French. Address MIS ALICE A. BRISTOL, Principal, Mintwood Place and 19th Street, Washington, D. C. Japan. These lessons can be had bound ready in use in every diocese and juris KNAUTH, NACHOD & KÜHNE, diction, but they are not as widely used The Church Missions Publishing Company of Hartford, Conn., have published in their International Study Course a series of five lessons on "Some Strategic Points in the Home Field." The first deals with the negro and the negro problem. It takes up first the present situation, then the variety of conditions, then negro folklore, the early history of the Church's work in the South for negroes and in the North the difficulties and encouragements of diocesan work and the need of educational institutions. This "lesson" therefore, offers in itself a brief course. The same is true of the second, which continues this discussion of the negro by giving details of work now J. P. MORGAN & CO. WALL STREET, CORNER OF BROAD. DOMESTIC AND FOREIGN BANKERS Circular Letters for Travellers available in all parts of the world. actually in hand. 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A proposal is being seriously considered by representatives of many Churches, not all of them Christian, to secure the cooperation of the State and City educational authorities with the Churches in a plan for the religious education of school children. At a meeting, in New York, of which an account will be found in our news columns, representatives of our own Church, of the Roman Catholics, Methodists, Presbyterians, Congregationalists and Jews, joined in more or less qualified commendation of the proposal of a committee appointed some months ago to consider the matter. The proposal was that public school children, who might desire it, or whose parents desired it for them, should be excused from the Wednesday afternoon session of the public schools that they might receive instruction in their respective Churches. Of this plan Bishop Greer said: "If it does not succeed it will not be the fault of the schools-it will be the fault of the Churches. At all events it is an experiment that is well worth trying." We are not so sure of that. It seems to us an experiment of very doubtful expediency; one that we would much rather leave untried. With all that Bishop Greer said in commendation of the great patriotic work of the public schools, with his indignant repudiation of the aspersion that they are "godless," we are in hearty accord. We agree with him entirely, too, that it is not the business of the public schools to give religious instruction. But neither is it their business to see that it is given. "It is for the Churches to give religious training," said Bishop Greer, "that is what the Churches are for." "What they ask," he continued, "is that they have the opportunity of doing what they exist to do." This "opportunity" of which Bishop Greer speaks would amount under this proposal to the opportunity to compel attendance at religious instruction by the use of the same system that the State has devised to ensure attendance at public schools. The Churches apparently, to ensure their "opportunity," propose to invoke the aid of the truant officer. Moreover, they propose that one tenth of the time which the State considers necessary for the child's instruction and for the full employment of which the tax-payers are paying, shall be taken for use by instructors of whose pedagogical competence the State has no knowledge, and over whom it can exercise no control. The public schools need all the time they can get for their work. They have not an hour too much. The supposition that one session out of the ten in Saturday, May 12, 1906. each week can be given to "relatively unimportant" studies shows a strange ignorance of the conditions under which the school curriculum is devised, and of the anxious care with which the various elements in education are balanced against one another, that every minute may be used to the utmost. We want no interference of the State in education by the Church and no interference by the Church in education by the State. The plan seems to us bad in itself, even if it were found practicable. It would prove even worse in the results to which it would inevitably lead. For surely the benefit of religious instruction would be a questionable quantity if children found it so uninteresting or their parents were so indifferent to its value that they must be dragged to the Church to receive it. The Church must win her children; she cannot force them into allegiance. We do not wish to create in this country conditions that are distracting the English Church and Parliament and injuring the efficiency of both. We cannot forget that the plan has the support of the traditional enemies of public education. To opponents of the American system we would say in challenge and to its friends in warning: Hands off the public schools. The Curia and the Modern State. In every European capital the circumstances connected with the dismissal of the American ambassador at Vienna are being made the subject of comment and discussion. Although no official information has been forthcoming to throw light on the reasons for the recall of Mr. Storer, yet documents of an authoritative type have appeared in the press of the city in which he has been the accredited representative of the American Government. It is plain that the ecclesiastical politics of the Roman Communion have overshadowed Mr. Storer's official duties, and that his absorption in them has made his diplomatic career a failure for himself and a danger to the public mission he has received from the American people. The incident is of more than personal significance; it is symptomatic of an intimate connection that exists between public welfare and religious principles and practices even in those countries where there is no formal recognition of special ecclesiastical bodies by the national government. For centuries the Latin Church has held to an absolute autocracy, and has neglected with great complacency all of the experience which the civil governments of the Western world have accumulated. What the majority of mankind re gard as guarantees of morality and efficiency in administration are treated by the Latin Church in its own practice as involving an attack on the deposit of the faith. The sovereignty claimed by the Apostolic See cannot endure the restrictions of control which through the regularly constituted organs of national life are applied in all modern governments. Roman Catholics make good citizens, public-spirited and patriotic. The practice is better than the theory. In the long run, it is inconceivable that the citizens of any nation can hold contradictory theories on matters which affect their spiritual and political well-being. A man who is both a patriot and a sincere member of any ecclesiastical communion will find some way of reconciling the two aspects of truth to which he is devoted. It is a good thing for America when its representative officials have strong religious convictions and are not afraid either to make them known or to live up to them. It is the misfortune of American Roman Catholics that under the Curial system of Church government legitimate activity must so often direct itself to devious and suspicious channels. When, as with the Curia, there is no publicity, intrigue must of necessity flourish, and in the absence of any vehicle for the expression of public opinion the action of those who direct Roman policy must frequently come into conflict with the recognized maxims of the national life of any democratic people. The incident of the Ambassador to Austria-Hungary will soon be forgotten, but the lesson conveyed by it should be permanent, for it is of wide application. It is necessary for the Christian organizations of this country, no matter what be their origin or their traditions, to adopt for themselves the highest standard of public ethics and to apply this standard in their own organic life. The Churches on this continent should be sensitive to impressions received in other related departments of public life. They must know and show that spiritual interests in themselves do not justify or imply a neglect or a negation either of common sense or of common honor, as they seem to have done at Rome for centuries. Plain speaking and clear moral distinctions are as much needed in the practices of those who are organized to hold the temporalities of the Church as in those who have received positions of trust in other relations of public or commercial service. Aversion to criticism induces that kind of obstinacy and self-complacency which made Bishop Creighton declare that he pitied rather than feared the Latin Church. But it is in no way confined to that Church. We have had conspicuous instances of it in Church dio ceses and parishes much nearer home. This historic experience in religious psychology on a large scale and among various nations has a real significance for American Christianity of our own day. No religious body can afford to disregard or to run counter to its teaching. Chronicle and The Standard President Roosevelt has rendered certain the pasOil Message sage of an adequate railand Report. road rate law by transmitting to Congress the report of James R. Garfield, Commissioner of Corporations, upon the Standard Oil Company. It has always been known that this corporation built up its present position, under which it controls 23,000,000 of the 26,000,000 barrels of oil produced yearly, by the rebates granted it before the passage of the Interstate Commerce Act in 1887. It has been the repeated assertion of the corporation that it had not violated this law, and since the passage of the Elkins Act the railroads have claimed that they were free from illegal concessions to this Trust. Mr. Garfield's report asserts that while the old form of special rate and rebate has been given up, it still remains true that an entire territory like New England has been protected from competition by the refusal of the railroads to pro rate; that special "state rates," which the New York Central refused to reveal, gave the Trust a practical monopoly of parts of New York state, and that the Pennsylvania and other lines provided these rates in such form and shape as made them practically secret. In addition, rebates were allowed over the California field. Special advantages were given to the Standard Oil over independent refineries, in reaching Cleveland, and the tank cars, pipe lines and water transportations provided by the demands that commissioners under the Standard Oil Company were permitted to form an excuse for special privileges. Some of these were based on the actual advantages which this corporation had secured by energy and foresight; some were derived from ingeniously arranged tariff sheets. The advantages which the Trust has won in the past, as Commissioner Garfield truthfully says, came through rebates granted a generation ago. It is no answer to these charges to assert, as the Standard Oil does in its published statement, that it has kept within the letter of the law. It has undoubtedly had the best legal advice, but the real iniquity of the entire situation lies in the fact that, shipping seven-eighths of the oil produced, the Standard Oil could force from railroads concessions which were on their face The first effect of the President's message appeared in the unanimous passage by the Senate of the provision placing pipe lines under the supervision of the Interstate Commerce Commission. President Roosevelt's message and Commissioner Garfield's report are certain to bring a new array of preventive and punitive legislation in regard to Trusts, of which the Rate Bill, soon to be passed, in really its original form, is but a beginning. The long contest in the competition and demonstrate, as President Roosevelt says in his message, that "the railroad itself cannot without government of its own aid protect the interests Railroad corporations loosely known as Trusts." The Sugar Trust has been discovered in similar practices and it is probable that all these monopolies enjoy special privileges, often under the form of law. were not the men who had progressed industrially or who had laid up property. Some people in the islands believed that if the Democratic party came into power they would be given self-government. "I venture," said Secretary Taft in conclusion, "to predict, although prediction is dangerous, that the Democratic party, should it come into power, would not assume this responsibility but would proceed on practically the same lines as have been followed up to this time. Such a result would be desirable. Because then it would be shown that both political parties were in favor of the policy which has been instituted there and would unite the people of the country in a great and successful effort for the benefit of humanity." The duty of the American citizen under these conditions was, said Secretary Taft in the concluding lecture of the course, to uphold the hands of the executive. Carping criticism might seriously interfere with doing the work of the Government well, but the gradual development of the actual facts would correct the injustice of the criticism and even that deliberate misrepresentation which he felt was characteristic of certain newspapers. In dealing with other nations nothing so interfered with the country's success as firing in the rear by part of its citizens. "If our experiment in the Philippines," he said, "proves to be unsuccessful, as I hope it may not be, it will be largely brought about by the unjust, bitter partisan attitude of the ‘antis,' who seek to embarrass us in everything we try to do. This prejudice and unpatriotic opposition is carried on in the hopes of vindicating the stand that they have taken. This is particularly unfortunate in the Philippine Islands, where the people are very sensitive to reIn this country such an attitude ports. would be generally rebuked at the polls.' President Roosevelt's recommendations in his message are liberal as well as restrictive. He urges that railroads be allowed to make agreements upon rates under the approval of the Interstate Commerce Commission, a step which the railroads have long asked in vain, but he also America in the Secretary Taft continu- these would doubtless increase. What we within existing laws, but which prevented depression, he thought the present condi- pension of sixty days during 1906. The tion of the islands remarkable. Good The anthracite miners have decided in their convention at Scranton against a strike, and proposed instead, under the influence of John Mitchell, readoption of the scale reached in 1903 by the Anthracite Strike Commission. Only two issues remain for negotiation: Whether the agreement shall be for two years, bringing it at the time of the presidential election, or for three years, as the operators urge, and whether men dropped from company rolls for going out on the "Suspension" ordered by the On union April 1 shall be reinstated. the former issue the operators are certain not to yield, nor should they. Anthracite wages should not be a factor in a presidential election. On the latter, the operators will be wise to make no opposi tion to the return of men who went out under the circumstances which now exist in the anthracite mines. Reduced consumption in winter and increased produc tion in 1905 rendered inevitable a sus The Anthracite Agreement. stockholders as against one of these great should be established." When that would establish their membership list, the union leaders have avoided a struggle and accepted wages which still remain, as they were pronounced three years ago by the Anthracite Strike Commission, equal to those for similar work anywhere. In the bituminous coal region the united mine a complete victory. workers have won The Illinois operators, following those in, Pennsylvania, have accepted the 1903 scale, an advance of about 3 per cent., and the Indiana operators will be forced to do the same. be done he could not say, but that it would men preferred to take this in a continuous period, instead of being laid off a day or two at a time, as the companies After enough agitation to reprefer. |
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